eelamview

November 7, 2012

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 2002

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 10:28 pm

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
27 November 2002



English Translation of Address

My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

“….Our liberation struggle has reached a new historical turning point and entered into a new developmental stage. We are facing a new challenge. We have ceased armed hostilities and are now engaged in a peaceful negotiating process to resolve the ethnic conflict. Our sincere and dedicated commitment to the peace process has falsified and demolished the propaganda campaign carried out by Sinhala chauvinists that we are enemies of peace.

Even on the issue of cease-fire, we took the initiative. We declared a unilateral cease-fire and called upon the government to reciprocate. The new government, which assumed power with a mandate for peace, reciprocated positively to our declaration of cease-fire. The mutually agreed cessation of hostilities came into effect on 23 February under the supervision of an international monitoring team. This cease-fire has been in force for the past nine months. There have been several provocative attempts by certain elements of the armed forces and anti-peace racist forces to disrupt the peace process. There were incidents in which several innocent Tamils were killed. Nevertheless, we maintained a rigid discipline and observed peace. This is a clear demonstration of our genuine commitment to the path of peace.

If a reasonable settlement to the Tamil national question could be realised by peaceful means we will make every endeavour, with honesty and sincerity to pursue that path. Our political objective is to ensure that our people should live in freedom and dignity in their homeland enjoying the right of self-rule. If this political objective could be realised by peaceful means, we are prepared to adopt that method.

We have never shown any disinclination to win the political rights of our people through peaceful means. We have participated in peace negotiations at different places, at different times in different historical circumstances i.e in Thimpu, in Delhi, in Colombo, in Jaffna and now in Thailand. All previous attempts to a negotiated political settlement ended in fiasco. These failures could only be attributed to the hard-line attitude and deceitful political approaches of previous Sri Lanka governments.

Now, the government of Mr Ranil Wickramasinghe is attempting to resolve the problems of the Tamils with sincerity and courage. Furthermore, the current cease-fire, built on a strong foundation and the sincere efforts of the international monitoring mission to further stabilise it, has helped to consolidate the peace process. The capable and skilful facilitation by the Norwegians has also contributed to the steady progress of the current peace talks. Above all, the concern, interests and enthusiasm shown by the international community has given hope and encouragement to both parties. The ideal approach is to move the talks forward, systematically, step by step, standing on a strong foundation of peace and building mutual confidence.

As a consequence of the brutal war that continued incessantly for more than two decades, our people face enormous existential problems. The social and political infrastructures of the Tamil nation are in ruins. The cities, towns and villages have been razed to the ground. Houses, temples and schools have been destroyed. An ancient civilization that stood on our lands for centuries has been uprooted. It is not possible for our people to rebuild their ruined social and economic structures. It is a monumental humanitarian problem. We hope that the international community will view the problem sympathetically. We are relieved to learn that international governments have come forward to assist the rehabilitation and reconstruction of the war damaged Tamil nation.

Though there is peace in the Tamil homeland, conditions of normalcy have not been restored. Under the cover of ‘high security zones’, the Sinhala armed forces are occupying residential areas and social, economic and cultural centres. Forty thousand troops are occupying Jaffna peninsula, which is a tiny geographical region with a dense population. The military occupation is suffocating the civilian masses and causing tensions. Jaffna, which is the cultural heartland of the Tamil people, has turned into an open prison. The occupying forces are using the civilians as their protective shields. As several villages, houses and roads are entrapped by occupation several thousands of internally displaced are unable to return to their residences. Unless this problem is resolved there is no possibility for normalcy and social peace to be restored to Jaffna.

It has always been our position that the urgent and immediate problems of our people should be resolved during the early stages of the peace talks. The former government of Sri Lanka rejected our position. As a result the peace talks broke down. There was a misconception on the part of the former regime that we were hesitant to take up the fundamental political issues and insisted on the resolution of the immediate problems. But the present government has been taking concrete actions redressing the urgent and immediate problems of our people. This is a positive development.

The objective of our struggle is based on the concept of self-determination as articulated in the UN Charter and other instruments. We have always been consistent with our policy with regard to our struggle for self-determination. Tamil homeland, Tamil nationality and Tamils’ right to self-determination are the fundamentals underlying our political struggle. We have been insisting on these fundamentals from Thimpu to Thailand.

 

Our position is that the Tamil national question should be resolved on the basis of these core principles. Tamils constitute themselves as a people, or rather as a national formation since they possess a distinct language, culture and history with a clearly defined homeland and a consciousness of their ethnic identity. As a distinct people they are entitled to the right to self-determination.

The right to self-determination has two aspects: internal and external. The internal self-determination entitles a people to regional self-rule.

The Tamil people want to live in freedom and dignity in their own lands, in their historically constituted traditional lands without the domination of external forces. They want to protect their national identity pursing the development of their language, culture and economy. They want to live in their homeland under a system of self-rule. This is the political aspiration of our people. This constitutes the essential meaning of internal self-determination.

We are prepared to consider favourably a political framework that offers substantial regional autonomy and self-government in our homeland on the basis of our right to internal self-determination. But if our people’s right to self-determination is denied and our demand for regional self-rule is rejected we have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent state.

Racism and racist oppression are the causative factors for rebellions and secessionist politics. The Sinhalese people should identify and reject the racist forces if they desire a permanent peace, ethnic harmony and economic prosperity. They should support, wholeheartedly, the efforts to find a political solution by peaceful means. The Sinhalese people should not oppose the Tamils’ aspirations to manage their own affairs under a system of self-rule in their own homeland. It is the politics of the Sinhala nation that will eventually determine whether the Sinhalese could peacefully co-exist with the Tamils or to compel the Tamils to secede.

We are pleased to note that the talks between the government and the LTTE are progressing forward under the conditions of mutual trust and goodwill. We are encouraged by the interest shown by the international community in the peace process and their willingness to offer assistance to rebuild the war damaged economy of the Tamil nation. It is our deepest desire that the current peace talks facilitated by Norway should succeed and all the communities living in the island should co-exist in harmony. If the Sinhala chauvinistic forces, for their own petty political reasons scuttle this peace effort which has raised high hopes and expectations and gained the support of the international community, the Tamil people will be compelled to pursue the path of secession and political independence….”

மாவீரர் நாள் உரை 2002

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 2001

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 10:20 pm

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day

November 27, 2001

English Translation of Address [also in PDF]

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My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

….The Tamil national question, which has assumed the character of a civil war, is essentially a political issue. We still hold a firm belief that this issue can be resolved by peaceful means. If there is genuine will and determination on the part of the Sinhalese leadership there is a possibility for peace and settlement. Though fifty-three years have passed since the independence of this island, the Sinhalese political leadership is still buried in the swamp of racist ideology. That is why they have not developed the wisdom and understanding to deal with the Tamil question objectively and realistically. The belief that the Tamil ethnic conflict could be resolved by repressive military means still predominates the Sinhala political system.

It is precisely for this reason that none of the major Sinhala political parties have any concrete projects or frameworks for the permanent resolution of the conflict. The international community is fully aware of this fact. These world governments, while insisting that the ethnic conflict should be resolved by peaceful means, have always supported Sri Lanka’s political and military efforts to weaken the political struggle of the Tamils. This strange, ambiguous attitude of the world governments has also contributed to the prolongation of the conflict.

We are constantly knocking on the doors of peace but the Kumaratunga government has refused to open the doors. Following the meeting with the Norwegian peace envoys in Vanni in November last year, we declared a unilateral cease-fire for four months to help to facilitate the peace process. The Sri Lanka government responded by ridiculing and rejecting our peace initiative and launched provocative military assaults on our positions. Finally, the government undertook a major offensive operation within hours of the termination of our cease-fire. Our fierce counter-attack repulsed the army’s operation and made the government realise the fact that the LTTE is strong and invincible.

Though we are strong with considerable manpower and firepower we abstained from launching any major land based offensive operations this year to facilitate the peace process. We co-operated with Norway’s peace efforts. It was under these circumstances that Kumaratunga’s government downgraded and marginalised the accredited Norwegian peace envoy, Mr Erik Solheim, accusing him of being biased towards the LTTE. We registered a strong protest against this action. Following this incident the Norwegian peace effort reached a stalemate. Chandrika Kumaratunga is responsible for this issue.

A parliamentary general election is taking place in Sri Lankan at this critical historical turning point. Since we advance our political struggle as an extra-parliamentary liberation organisation we do not attach any significance to parliamentary elections. Yet the LTTE has become the central theme in the current election campaign in Tamil Eelam and in the Sinhala south.

Having assumed itself as the most crucial and cardinal issue in Sri Lankan politics, the Tamil national conflict has effectively polarised the political forces towards two contradictory positions: between war and peace. The elections have become a competitive arena between the forces that seek peace and the extremist forces that are opposed to peace. The general public is given the responsibility of choosing as to whether there will be peace in the future or if the war will continue. The Sinhala people should realise that there can be no peace, ethnic harmony and economic prosperity in the island as long as the Tamil people are denied justice and their political aspirations are not fulfilled.

We are not enemies of the Sinhala people, nor is our struggle against them. It is because of the oppressive policy of the racist Sinhala politicians that contradictions arose between the Sinhala and Tamil nations, resulting in a war. We are fighting this war against a state and its armed forces determined to subjugate our people through the force of arms. We are well aware that this war has not only affected the Tamils but also affects the Sinhala people deeply. Thousands of innocent Sinhala youth have perished as a consequence of the repressive policies of the war mongering ruling elites. We are also aware that it is the Sinhala masses who are bearing the economic burden of the war. Therefore, we call upon the Sinhala people to identify and renounce the racist forces committed to militarism and war and to offer justice to the Tamils in order to put an end to this bloody war and to bring about permanent peace.

The Tamil people want to maintain their national identity and to live in their own lands, in their historically given homeland with peace and dignity. They want to determine their own political and economic life; they want to be on their own. These are the basic political aspirations of the Tamil people. It is neither separatism nor terrorism. These demands do not constitute a threat to the Sinhala people. They do not in any way affect or undermine the political liberties or the social, economic and cultural life of the Sinhala people. The Tamil people favour a political solution that would enable them to live in their own lands with the right to rule themselves. This is what the Tamils mean when they emphasise that a political solution should be based on the right to self-determination.

Our organisation is prepared to negotiate with the Sri Lanka government on a political framework that would satisfy the basic political aspirations of the Tamil people. But for us to participate in political negotiations freely as equal partners, as the authentic political force with the status of legitimate representatives of our people, the ban imposed on our movement should be lifted. This is the collective aspiration of the Tamil people.

We want the peace talks to be held in cordial situation of mutual trust and understanding. For a long time we have been emphasising that the peace talks should take place in a conducive atmosphere of peace and normalcy in the absence of war and economic embargoes. We wish to reiterate the same position now.

The use of violence in all modes of struggles to attain specific political goals is defined as terrorism by international governments. This narrow definition has erased the distinctions between genuine struggles for political independence and terrorist violence. This conception of terrorism has posed a challenge to the moral foundation of armed struggles waged by liberation movements for basic political rights and for the right to self-determination. This development is regrettable. As a consequence our liberation organisation is also being discredited in the international arena.

The world governments waging a war against terror should, first of all, explore the root causes of political violence. It is only through a deep insight into the origins of political violence that one can discern the differences between authentic liberation struggles and blind acts of terror.

In our view, there are two dimensions in political violence. Firstly, there is the violence of the oppressor. Secondly, there is the violence of the oppressed. In most cases the oppressor belongs to the ruling elites, yields state authority and command the armed forces. The oppressed are always the ruled, the minority nationalities, the exploited and the poor. The violence of the first category can be designated as state violence. The second category can be termed as the violence against state violence. Since state violence is a form of repressive violence of the oppressor, it is unjust. The reactive violence of the oppressed is just since it is undertaken with the motive of obtaining justice. It is within the context of this distinction that the violent modes of political struggles of the oppressed find legitimacy.

Violent forms of struggles by people seeking political rights emerge only as reactive violence against state terror. This truth can be discerned if one can objectively analyse the historical origins of the world liberation organisations. The Tamil Eelam liberation struggle has similar historical origins. The state oppression against the Tamil people originated two decades before the birth of the Tamil Tigers. Fuelled by racist passion, the state repression gradually intensified over time and assumed genocidal proportions.

All forms of peaceful non-violent agitations undertaken by the Tamil people against Sinhala state oppression were brutally repressed by state terror. Since the non-violent political struggle became futile and meaningless and at the same time the state oppression intensified in the form of genocide the Tamil people were left with no alternative other than to confront the state violence with violence. In other words, the Tamil people were compelled to take arms to defend themselves against genodical destruction. It was under these objective historical conditions the Liberation Tigers took birth and advanced the armed struggle against state terror. With the history of a sustained campaign extending to a period of twenty years our armed resistance has evolved and developed as the political mode of struggle of the Tamil people.

We are a national liberation organisation. We are fighting for the emancipation of our people against racist tyranny, against military occupation, against state terror. Our struggle has a concrete, legitimate political objective. Our struggle is based on the right to self-determination, a principal endorsed by the United Nations Charter. We are not terrorists. We are not mentally demented as to commit blind acts of violence impelled by racist and religious fanaticism. We are fighting and sacrificing our lives for the love of a noble cause i.e. human freedom.

We are freedom fighters. The Sinhala state terrorists, who have failed in their efforts to crush our freedom movement for the last two decades, branded our liberation struggle as terrorism. Misguided by the false and malicious propaganda of the Sri Lanka state some of the world governments have included our liberation movement in their list of international terrorist organisations. This is regrettable and disappointing. These decisions have a negative impact. They have been made in haste, without deep insight into the historicity and legitimacy of our struggle for self-determination. It sends a wrong message to the Sinhala racist rulers. It will further harden their hard-line, intransigent attitude. It will encourage their policy of military repression. On the whole, the actions of some of the Western governments will seriously impede a political solution through peaceful means and further complicate the ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.

All the member countries of the United Nations have joined the alliance in the war against terrorism spearheaded by the Western powers. Some of the repressive states with a notorious history of racist oppression and gross human rights violations have joined this global alliance against terror. In this context we wish to confine our remarks only to the Sri Lanka state. This government, holding one of the highest records of human rights violations amounting to genocide, has now joined the international alliance against terrorism. This is a dangerous trend in the emerging new world order. This new trend is also posing a threat to the legitimate political struggles of the oppressed humanity subjected to state terror.

We fully understand the anger, apprehensions, and compulsions of the Western powers engaged in a war against international terrorism. We welcome the counter-terrorist campaign of the international community to identify and punish the real terrorists. In this context it is crucial that the Western democratic nations should provide a clear and comprehensive definition of the concept of terrorism that would distinguish between freedom struggles based on the right to self-determination and blind terrorist acts based on fanaticism. The international community cannot ignore the phenomenon of state terror practiced internally by some repressive regimes. The world should seek to identify such terrorist states and penalise them.

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam is a people’s movement. We are inextricably integrated with the people into a unified single force fighting collectively for the liberation of our homeland. In a devious strategy to alienate and marginalise our liberation organisation from our people and to destroy us the government of Chandrika Kumaratunga proscribed us as a ‘terrorist’ organisation. Following this decision, Chandrika’s government, particularly its Foreign Minister Mr Kadirgamar, launched a sustained propaganda campaign in the international arena portraying the LTTE and the Tamil freedom struggle as a diabolical phenomenon of terrorism. As a consequence the United States, Britain and most recently Canada, have included our liberation movement in their lists of terrorist organisations.

These countries are fully aware that we are not a terrorist organisation and that we are a freedom movement functioning with the overwhelming support of our people, representing their political aspirations. Furthermore, these countries have continued to insist that the LTTE and the Sri Lanka government should engage in peace talks to resolve the ethnic conflict. This stand clearly entails the fact that these countries do recognise the Liberation Tigers as the political representatives of the Tamil people. If so, why did the governments brand us as a terrorist organisation? We cannot understand the logic as to how such action could facilitate the peaceful resolution of the ethnic conflict.

We hold the position that unless the Sri Lanka government lifts the ban on our organisation and accepts us as the authentic, legitimate representatives of the Tamil people we will not participate in the peace negotiations. We are firmly committed to this position. We have also clearly stated our position to the Norwegian government. There is a possibility of peace in the island of Sri Lankan only when the LTTE is de-proscribed. Under these circumstances, proscribing the LTTE by Western governments giving into diplomatic pressures from Sri Lanka will not pave the way for the peaceful negotiated settlement of the conflict. Rather, it will further reinforce the collective demand of our people to lift the ban on the LTTE for the resumption of peace talks….”

மாவீரர் நாள் உரை 2001

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 2000

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 10:09 pm

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
27 November 2000

Address in Tamil Pdf Prabakaran Heros day speech 2000 tamil

“…The Tamil Eelam war is the liberation struggle of the oppressed Tamil people. The Sinhala ruling elites are refusing to accept this stark political reality. This denial of truth, this refusal to face reality is the stumbling block to finding a political resolution to the conflict through peaceful means.. We do not believe that Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism, which is growing fast and proliferating at all levels of the Sinhala social structure, will embrace the Tamil people with compassion. If the Sinhala nation fails to redeem itself from the grip of racism and continues its repression against the Tamils, we have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent Tamil State….We were compelled to delay our advance into Jaffna as a consequence of unilateral intervention by international governments who injected massive military assistance to the Sri Lankan military forces at a crucial time in the battle of Jaffna. The entire world rushed to help Sri Lanka…. claiming that the lives of thirty thousand troops were in danger. It was the same world which closed its eyes and observed a studied silence when Jaffna was invaded militarily by the Sri Lankan army and as a consequence a monumental tragedy occurred when half a million Tamils were uprooted and displaced. … It is because of the massive financial aid obtained from donor countries that Sri Lanka can continue this war against the Tamils… Therefore, if Sri Lanka is to be directed towards the path of peace, the reins are in the hands of the international governments who feed the economic needs of the country…Jaffna does not belong to the Sinhala nation. Jaffna belongs to the people of Jaffna. Sovereignty is not a divine right of a State. Sovereignty derives from the people; it is an inalienable right of a people.The Sinhala nation cannot impose its sovereignty over the historically constituted lands of the Tamils by military aggression and occupation…”


 My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

“Our liberation organisation is prepared to participate in negotiations to find a political solution to the ethnic conflict through peaceful means. We are not opposed to peaceful processes of resolving conflicts. Nor are we reluctant to engage in peaceful dialogue.

We are seeking a negotiated settlement that would be fair, just, and equitable and that it would satisfy the political aspirations of the Tamil people.

I explained this position very clearly when I met the Norwegian peace delegates in Wanni recently. The Government of Norway has suggested positive proposals as confidence building goodwill measures to be mutually reciprocated by the parties in conflict that would facilitate the process of de-escalation leading to cessation of hostilities. The LTTE is seriously considering the proposals. If the government takes the initiative we will respond positively.

We are not imposing any pre-conditions for peace talks. Yet we insist on the creation of a cordial atmosphere and conditions of normalcy conducive for peace negotiations. It is practically difficult for both the parties who have been involved in a savage and bloody war for the last two decades with mutual animosity and distrust to suddenly enter into a peace process, while continuing hostilities. It is precisely for this reason we propose a process of de-escalation of war leading to cessation of armed hostilities and the creation of a peaceful, cordial environment.

Our call for de-escalation and normalisation of civilian life should not be misinterpreted as pre-conditions. We want the talks to proceed from a stable foundation in a cordial atmosphere of mutual trust so that it could turn out to be a constructive engagement…

Chandrika’s term of office is to continue for the next six years. Whether it is going to be a turbulent period characterised by war and violence or whether peace will prevail during this period depends entirely on the policies to be adopted by Chandrika.

This Government has assumed power with the support of the chauvinistic forces. It has achieved victory by indulging in wide-scale violence and massive electoral malpractices. Those who hold important positions in the power structure of this Government are hard-line ultra-nationalists.

A treacherous Tamil group who made a mockery of democracy by its electoral violence and fraudulence is also supporting this Government. We have our doubts as to whether this Government, which pathetically depends on Sinhala racists and Tamil traitors for its sustenance, will be able to make any bold decisions to resolve the Tamil national question.

This Government does not have any coherent policy or a determined approach towards the issues of war and peace and towards the resolution of the ethnic conflict. It constantly makes contradictory statements.

Since this government is constituted by different personalities with different views we hear different voices which are confusing. We hear different voices from the President, the Prime Minister and the Army commander; one calling for peace talks with the Tamil Tigers, the other vowing to destroy them and yet another calling for surrender. This government has several tongues each addressing a different audience.

Chandrika and Kadirgamar present an amicable picture to the international community while the Prime Minister and Army Commander placate the local chauvinistic forces.

The Western Governments want peace and a negotiated settlement through peaceful means. They insist that the Tamil conflict cannot be resolved by war. It is precisely for this reason that Chandrika has been making subtle propaganda statements to placate the western nations using the categories of peace, negotiations, devolution and constitutional reforms.

As far as the LTTE and the Tamil people are concerned we do not believe that Chandrika is sincerely committed to peace. We view her as a hard-liner committed to a military solution.

The LTTE and the Tamil people are compelled to take this position because of Chandrika’s political history for over the last six years and her policy of subjecting our people to military atrocities and economic injustices and her recent measures mobilising the country for war.

The colossal sums allocated for military spending, the procurement of massive scale military hardware, the continuous recruitment for the armed forces and the witch-hunting of the army deserters clearly demonstrate the fact that Chandrika is a militaristic hard-liner committed to strengthening the military machine for war.

Chandrika’s inconsistency and confused approach to the Tamil ethnic conflict can be best discerned if one analyses her policy statement on the 9th of this month at the opening of the first session of Parliament.

Tracing the history of the ethnic conflict, Chandrika agrees that injustice has been done to the Tamils for the last 50 years. Without making direct reference to the Tamils she used the general category ‘minority communities’.

To quote her in this context:

“The real cause of the ethnic crisis is the minority communities have not had a fair or reasonable opportunity to share in the political, social and economic power structure of this country”.

The strange aspect of this exposition is that Chandrika fails to answer the questions as to why, how and who did this injustice to the Tamils. She shifts the entire blame onto foreign colonialism for all injustices done to the Tamil people.

Chandrika’s thesis is that the existing Sri Lankan state system emanated from essentially colonial power structure “that does not suit in anyway the prevailing conditions in our society” and therefore failed to provide justice and fair play to the ‘minority communities’.

In this elucidation, the cruel history of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinistic oppression against the Tamil people is skillfully suppressed. The role of Chandrika’s parents in this history of oppression is also covered up. This attempt to link the racist oppression against the Tamils to constitutional systems and shift the entire blame to foreign colonialism is incredible and preposterous.

It is a historical fact that the Tamils lost their sovereignty over their homeland as a consequence of foreign colonial penetration.

But a calculated systematic oppression against the Tamil nation began soon after the island of Sri Lanka gained independence from British colonialism. Sinhala-Buddhist racism was the main perpetrator of this oppression. The Sinhala-Buddhist racist ideology, with its roots buried in Sri Lankan Buddhism, has perversely spread throughout the Sinhala social formation and penetrated deep into the Sinhala political system.

The constitutions that were made by Sinhala politicians are nothing but institutional forms of this ideology. Therefore, the culprit behind the tyrannical oppression of the Tamils is Sinhala Buddhist racism not the British colonial thought system as Chandrika assumes.

The political struggles launched by the Tamils against the Sinhala racist oppression in the early stages took the form of non-violent agitation which later transformed into an armed resistance campaign and finally assumed the dimension of an all -out war.

For more than twenty years a state of war has existed between the Tamil Tigers, the liberation army of the Tamils and the Sinhala State.

As a nation entitled to the right to self-determination our people reserve the right to defend themselves by armed struggle against State oppression of genocidal proportions.

Therefore, the Tamil Eelam war is conducted within the norms of International Humanitarian Law pertaining to armed conflict. 

But the Sri Lanka government has been deliberately distorting the nature of this war and its evolutionary historical background and debasing it as a phenomenon of ‘terrorism’.

Commenting on the armed conflict in her recent policy statement Chandrika described the war as a ‘consequence of the ethnic conflict’. In the same statement she also categorises the war as a form of ‘armed terrorism’.

It is the same tongue that defines the war as a manifestation of ethnic conflict and also as ‘armed terrorism’. It is the same Chandrika who proclaims that ethnic conflict will be resolved by peaceful means and also calls upon the Sinhala people to unite to annihilate terrorism by war.

It is in the realm of war that Chandrika government makes the most confusing statements distorting the reality of the Tamil armed struggle against State oppression as a form of ‘terrorism’ thereby totally misrepresenting the ethnic conflict to the Sinhala people and the world. Tamil Eelam war is the liberation struggle of the oppressed Tamil people. The Sinhala ruling elites are refusing to accept this stark political reality. This denial of truth, this refusal to face reality is the stumbling block to finding a political resolution to the conflict through peaceful means.

Political negotiations are not unfamiliar to the Tamil people. Our liberation movement as well as the Tamil leadership before us had negotiations with the Sinhalese on several occasions.

From the time of the Banda-Chelva Pact there has been peace talks over the last several decades under different historical conjunctures, under different compulsions. But all these talks have failed to resolve the Tamil problem. Instead the conflict has become more complex and finally transformed into an all-out war.

The main reason for this unfortunate situation is the refusal of the Sinhala nation to recognise the fundamentals of the Tamil conflict as well as the political aspirations of the Tamils. If a permanent political solution is to be achieved by peaceful means, the Sinhala nation has to accept certain basic truths about the Tamil people and understand their basic aspirations.

The Tamils of Eelam have a unique ethnic identity. They are a community of people constituted as a national formation experiencing a national consciousness of their own. They have their own lands; a historically constituted territory which is their homeland.

Our people desire only want thing. They want to live happily in peace in their own lands without being dominated or harassed by others. The deepest aspiration of our people is to live in dignity in a political environment where they could rule themselves. The Sinhalese should try to understand the Tamil aspirations. It is on the basis of this understanding that a just and permanent solution could be built up.

We have our doubts as to whether Chandrika’s government will do justice to the Tamils on the basis of understanding the fundamentals of the Tamil question.

The outbreak of racist barbarism against the Tamils in the south, the hegemonic role of the chauvinistic elements in the power structure of the State, the continuous militarisation of the Sinhala society, the anti-Tamil attitude of the Maha Sangha, the Government’s commitment to the military option; all these factors cast doubt as to whether the Tamil national question could be resolved by peaceful means.

Furthermore, certain irrational measures adopted by Chandrika’s government also make the resolution of the Tamil question difficult. In a similar manner, the earlier Indian government made a historical blunder by crowning Perumal as Chief Minister, Chandrika has also elevated a Tamil quisling group to a high position in the Northeastern administration. By such ridiculous actions, this government has not only earned the hostility of the Tamil people but also complicated the ethnic conflict.

The international community is becoming more concerned about the Tamil national conflict and wants the problem to be solved by peaceful means. It is encouraging to note that the conscience of the world has turned towards our plight.

We are impressing upon the world that we are not an anyway opposed to peace talks or a negotiated political settlement through peaceful means. The world community has begun to understand the fundamental demands of the Tamils and our position that a cordial environment conducive for peace talks is a pre-requisite. They also understand the forces behind the oppression of the Tamils.

It is because of the massive financial aid obtained from donor countries that Sri Lanka can continue this war against the Tamils. Having unleashed a destructive war against the Tamils and having slaughtered a large number of our people, this government has been misleading the international community by claiming that it is engaged in a ‘war for peace‘.

But the world has now begun to realise the ulterior motives behind the war and the Tamil Tigers cannot be vanquished in armed combat and that the Tamil ethnic conflict cannot be resolved by war.

Therefore, if Sri Lanka is to be directed towards the path of peace, the reins are in the hands of the international governments who feed the economic needs of the country.

We do not believe that Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism, which is growing fast and proliferating at all levels of the Sinhala social structure, will embrace the Tamil people with compassion.

If the Sinhala nation fails to redeem itself from the grip of racism and continues its repression against the Tamils, we have no alternative other than to secede and form an independent Tamil State.

…We were compelled to delay his advance into Jaffna as a consequence of unilateral intervention by international governments who injected massive military assistance to the Sri Lankan military forces at a crucial time in the battle of Jaffna.

The entire world rushed to help Sri Lanka with emergency military assistance when Chandrika raised the alarm of an impending military disaster claiming that the lives of thirty thousand troops were in danger.

It was the same world which closed its eyes and observed a studied silence when Jaffna was invaded militarily by the Sri Lankan army and as a consequence a monumental tragedy occurred when half a million Tamils were uprooted and displaced.

…Jaffna does not belong to the Sinhala nation. Jaffna belongs to the people of Jaffna. Sovereignty is not a divine right of a State. Sovereignty derives from the people; it is an inalienable right of a people. It is the people of Jaffna who has sovereign right over the Jaffna peninsula.

The Sinhala nation cannot impose its sovereignty over the historically constituted lands of the Tamils by military aggression and occupation. As the liberation army of our people we will not allow our traditional lands to be occupied by alien forces. Whatever the challenges we have to face, regardless of the obstacles we must overcome whichever force opposes us, our liberation movement is determined to liberate Jaffna…”

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Sinhala Buddisht Priests demonstrate against so called ‘devolution’ proposals in August 2000

S.J.V.Chelvanayagaam“Throughout the ages the Sinhalese and Tamils in the country lived as distinct sovereign people till they were brought under foreign domination. It should be remembered that the Tamils were in the vanguard of the struggle for independence in the full confidence that they also will regain their freedom. We have for the last 25 years made every effort to secure our political rights on the basis of equality with the Sinhalese in a united Ceylon. It is a regrettable fact that successive Sinhalese governments have used the power that flows from independence to deny us our fundamental rights and reduce us to the position of a subject people. These governments have been able to do so only by using against the Tamils the sovereignty common to the Sinhalese and the Tamils.  I wish to announce to my people and to the country that I consider the verdict at this election as a mandate that the Tamil Eelam nation should exercise the sovereignty already vested in the Tamil people and become free.” Gandhian Tamil leader S.J.V.Chelvanayagam, 1975

“…(The) perceived solution of self-determination has evolved and taken shape by the compulsions of more than three decades of political struggles of the Tamil people and their political leaders which ended in the ignominious failure to arrive at any just solution by the process of negotiation between the two parties. There lay in ruins the scrap-heap of broken pacts and dishonoured agreements as to proposals for Regional Councils, District Councils, Provincial Councils, Provincial/Regional Councils, District/Provincial Councils – all tentative concepts and toothless bodies with no genuine devolved powers of decentralization…” (Satchi Ponnamblam in Tamils Right to Self Determination, July 1991)

“One of the essential elements that must be kept in mind in understanding the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict is that, since 1958 at least, every time Tamil politicians negotiated some sort of power-sharing deal with a Sinhalese government – regardless of which party was in power – the opposition Sinhalese party always claimed that the party in power had negotiated away too much. In almost every case – sometimes within days – the party in power backed down on the agreement.” – (Professor Marshall Singer, at US Congress Committee on International Relations Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific Hearing on Sri Lanka November 14,1995)

‘‘Whilst Sri Lanka talks peace it continues with its military efforts. If we look at the past we can see why. Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism has been institutionalised in Sri Lanka and today it has become more powerful than the politicians themselves. Indeed even if some Sinhala politicians seek to settle the conflict, Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism will seek to prevent such a settlement. This is the political reality that those who are aware of the Sri Lankan situation are well aware of. This Sinhala chauvinism which was nurtured by Sinhala politicians for their electoral advantage, has grown into a Frankenstein monster which now has the power to destroy and make politicians. This we understand very well.’’ (Sathasivam Krishnakumar, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, in an interview with Melbourne Community Radio CR3, September, 1991)

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 1999

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 9:52 pm

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
National Heroes Day – November 27, 1999

Address in TamilPdf Prabakaran Heros day speech 1999 tamil


“Though the LTTE stands today as a formidable force… with the military capability to liberate our homeland, we have not abandoned the path of peace. We want to resolve the Tamil conflict through peaceful means; through civilised methods without recourse to bloodbath and destruction of life…

 My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

“Today is Maha Veerar Naal…

…Our current military successes have surprised and astounded the world. This is a unique historical achievement in the art of contemporary warfare. The dimensions of this military victory have not only amazed our enemy but also astonished several international countries that have been actively helping Sri Lanka’s war effort by providing training, arms and funds.

The vast tracts of fertile lands of Vanni, which were invaded and occupied by the Sinhala armed forces afters years and months of massive military campaigns, after sacrificing thousands of lives, have been liberated by our fighters at a rapid pace within a short span of time. A colossal military structure with its multiple military complexes, well fortified bases and camps suddenly collapsed with the onslaught of the Tiger offensive. We have liberated almost all the ancient strategic towns in the Vanni region. I am happy that we have redeemed a sector of Manal Aru, which is the heartland of Vanni where the state’s army massacred the indigenous Tamils and created Sinhala settlements.

Our massive offensive campaign in Vanni code-named ‘Unceasing Waves 3’ has effectively demonstrated to the world the extra-ordinary growth and development of the Tiger fighting forces in the art of modern warfare. The speed of our strikes, the ability of rapid deployment, the unified command, the high discipline, the spectacular offensive tactics and the tremendous courage displayed by our fighting formations have astounded the world military experts.

This war is being waged for liberation of our land. Tamil Eelam is our homeland, a land which belongs to us historically, a land on which we were born and bred, a land of our sustenance and resources, a land that forms the very foundation of our national identity. Our enemy claims that this land belongs to him.

For more than fifty years – ever since the Sinhala chauvinists assumed political power in the island- the lands of the Tamils have been systematically usurped. Our land has been subjected to tyranny and oppression. On one side, there have been devious schemes by which our lands have been forcefully annexed and given to Sinhala colonisers. On the other hand ,our lands have been militarily occupied and their resources destroyed and the people who lived on those lands have been reduced to the state of destitution. It is against this injustice we have been fighting. Therefore our liberation war is essentially a war to liberate our lands and to establish our sovereignty: our right to rule in our homeland.

Our people have now understood the aim and objective of this liberation war. Our people, who have lost their lands and the livelihood that derived from the lands and have become destitute, realise the value and significance of their own lands. They also realise the necessity of chasing away the alien forces that have invaded and occupied our territories. It is because of this realisation wide sections of the popular Tamil masses are supporting and participating in this war of liberating our homeland. Our liberation war has now expanded and developed into a higher stage as the people’s war of liberation.

In my annual speeches on the Martyrs’ Day, I have always emphasised the importance of peace and peaceful ways of seeking a negotiated political settlement. At the same time, I have also pointed out the fact that Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism was not prepared to resolve the ethnic conflict through peaceful means.

The two major Sinhala political parties, who have assumed political power alternatively in the Sri Lankan political system, are essentially chauvinistic organisations. Both these political parties have bred and flourished in the anti-Tamil Sinhala Buddhist racist ideology. For the last half a century these parties competed with each other in intensifying the oppression against the Tamil people. In this diabolical history of racist oppression it is Chandrika’s regime which has inflicted the worst form of tyrannical oppression.

The five-year rule of Chandrika has been a curse on the Tamil people. The monumental tragedy that our people encountered in the form of war, violence, death, destruction, displacement, hunger and starvation was the worst form of tyranny ever suffered by the Tamils. Chandrika’s oppressive rule marks an epoch consisting of blood stained pages of our history. Her tyrannical rule left a permanent scar on the soul of the Tamil nation.

While masterminding an authoritarian tyrannical rule against the Tamils internally, Chandrika Kumaratunga portrayed herselfBelligerent Face of Sinhala Buddhist Fundamentalism internationally as a goddess of democracy committed to peace. Having implemented a notorious military programme aimed at the total invasion of the Tamil homeland she interpreted her project as a war effort for peace. The entire international community believed her and supported her military project. In this deceptive disinformation campaign to cheat the world, treacherous Tamil elements played a crucial role.

We do not trust Chandrika. She does not have the honesty and determination to resolve the Tamil national conflict in a fair and reasonable manner. We perceive her as a modern representative of a neo-Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism. It is for this reason we refused to engage in a direct dialogue with her. Yet, we did not close the doors for peace. I made an announcement last year in my Martyrs’ Day message that we were prepared for peace talks with the assistance of  international third party mediation.

Though we called for third party mediation we have emphasised the necessity of creating certain objective conditions conducive for peace talks. We explained very clearly that these objective conditions entail a situation of normalcy free from military aggression, occupation and economic strangulation of the Tamil nation.

Chandrika’s government refused to accept our proposal for creating a congenial peaceful atmosphere for peace talks. Chandrika was not prepared to bring an end to the war, to stop the military aggression of our land and to lift the economic blockades. The government wanted to use the military campaigns and the economic embargoes as political pressures on the Tamils.

The concept of the ‘war for peace’ as enunciated by Chandrika’s government signified a military solution. This grand military project aimed at a total invasion of the Tamil homeland and envisages the defeat of the Tamil Tiger movement and finally the eventual subjugation of the Tamil nation. Chandrika worked tirelessly for the last five years to implement her military scheme. Though the project brought about severe setbacks and debacles to the armed forces, she was determined not to abandon her military programme. Therefore, she did not reflect seriously about peace nor has she taken any constructive steps towards peace talks.

Chandrika conveyed to us a message through third party source that she was prepared to hold secret talks with certain conditions while continuing the war effort. We rejected her proposal. It is absurd and practically impossible to hold peace talks on one side while engaging in a bloody war on the other side. It is an extremely difficult task to involve in a friendly dialogue with the enemy while our people are subjected to death, destruction and suffering. Furthermore, we do not want to engage in a negotiating process with conditions and time frames. Chandrika did not sincerely extend her hand of friendship. She wanted to lay a trap under the cover of peace talks. But we were not prepared to fall into that peace trap.

Velupillai Pirabaharan with his CommandersSwept by the ‘Unceasing Waves’ of the Liberation Tigers, Chandrika’s military project crumbled as a house of sand built on the seashore. The spectacular victories that we gained in this current offensive campaign have turned the balance of military power in our favour. The massive effort made by Chandrika over the last five years to weaken the LTTE and to achieve military hegemony was shattered by us in the matter of a few days.

Though we stand today as a formidable force strengthened by manpower, firepower, moral power, and people’s power and have the military capability to liberate our homeland, we have not abandoned the path of peace. We want to resolve the Tamil conflict through peaceful means, through civilised methods, without recourse to a bloodbath and the destruction of life.

We wish to re-iterate that peace talks should be held in a cordial peaceful atmosphere of mutual trust and goodwill with the assistance of international third party mediation. By peaceful atmosphere we mean a condition of normalcy characterised by cessation of hostilities, withdrawal of troops occupying Tamil lands and the absence of economic blockades.

We cannot allow the Sinhala State to use the conditions of war, military aggression of our lands, and economic blockades as tactics of pressure against the Tamils. We wish to engage in peace talks as equals with mutual understanding in a cordial environment without external coercion and constraints.

We are keeping the doors of peace open and are sending signals of peace and goodwill to the Sinhala nation. But we are aware that Sinhala political leadership will not agree to create a peaceful environment as we suggest. We are also aware that Sinhala chauvinistic leadership will not easily abandon their longstanding policy of military violence and repression against the Tamils. Therefore we do not live in fantasy hoping to resolve our national conflict by engaging in a rational dialogue with Sinhala political leadership.

The anti-Tamil Sinhala racist political system – which totally disregards human rights and liberties – offers no alternatives to the Tamils other than to fight, secede and establish an independent Tamil state. It is along this secessionist path that the Sinhala nation is driving the Tamil nation.

Years ago our people made a decision that an independent state of Tamil Eelam is the only and the final solution to our national conflict. For the last several years, our freedom movement has been fighting a bloody liberation struggle carrying the cross of our people’s aspirations for freedom. Today we have reached a turning point in this long historical journey towards emancipation”.

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 1998

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 5:42 pm

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
National Heroes Day – November 27, 1998

Address in Tamil Pdf :Prabakaran Heros day speech 1998 tamil

“…What are we struggling for? We aspire to live peacefully with freedom and dignity, without the interference of anyone, in our own soil; in our Motherland where we are born and bred; in our own historical homeland which belongs to us. We too, are human beings. We constitute ourselves as a human society possessing the basic rights of human beings. We are a national formation with a distinct language, culture and history. We, therefore, demand that we should be recognised as a community of people, as a social formation with distinct characteristics. We have the right to determine our political status. On the basis of that right, we aspire to choose freely a political model suited to us to govern ourselves….”


My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

“Today is Maha Veerar Naal.

It is the day on which we honour and venerate  in the temple of our hearts, our national heroes who have given their lives for the freedom of their Tamil motherland….

While the whole world has radically transformed and moving on the path of peace, progress and harmony and preparing itself to embrace the new millennium Sri Lanka is still caught up in a turbulent conflict. The Tamil national question continues to torment the Island as a burning issue fuelled by war and violence. Why is it that the Tamil ethnic conflict, with a prolonged history of more than half-a-century, continues to be an insurmountable problem while the world is undergoing change, resolving tensions and conflicts?

The Tamil people are demanding none other than their inalienable rights. Therefore, political justice is on their side. What are we demanding? What are we struggling for?

We aspire to live peacefully with freedom and dignity, without the interference of anyone, in our own soil; in our Motherland where we are born and bred; in our own historical homeland which belongs to us. We too, are human beings. We constitute ourselves as a human society possessing the basic rights of human beings. We are a national formation with a distinct language, culture and history. We, therefore, demand that we should be recognised as a community of people, as a social formation with distinct characteristics. We have the right to determine our political status. On the basis of that right, we aspire to choose freely a political model suited to us to govern ourselves.

This is what our people are demanding and fighting for. The Sinhala nation has been denying this just and civilised demand. It is precisely for this reason that the Sinhala state has been oppressing and suppressing our people. Successive Sri Lanka Governments have neither integrated nor assimilated our people within the unitary system nor allowed our people the right to secede. Instead, they have always attempted to repress and subjugate our people. It is for this reason we have been compelled to fight a political struggle for the last fifty years. Though the forms of our struggle have changed in accordance with the historical compulsions, we continue to fight for political rights, for our right to live in freedom. Now the Tamil struggle has expanded and escalated into a war between two nations.

It is none other than the anti-Tamil attitude of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism that has turned Sri Lanka into a blazing cauldron of violence. The Tamil national question arose as historical product of this racist oppression.

The world has changed with the passage of time. Similarly the politics of the world also has changed. But the politics of the Sinhala nation has not changed. It is unfortunate that the Sinhala politicians have not realised this fact. Fantasies that arose from ancient mythology have grown and developed into hegemonic ideas which exert tremendous impact on the Sinhala political and intellectual world.

As a consequence the Sinhala nation lacks the ability to comprehend objectively the very basis as well as the rationale behind the Tamil issue and to deal with the problem humanly. Over the years our people have been shedding tears of blood under the oppressive grip of Sinhala chauvinism. We are deeply saddened by the fact that their long standing suffering has not yet touched the conscience of the world community. Apart from this apathetic attitude shown by the international community towards the problems of our people, the massive financial and military assistance provided to Sri Lanka by foreign countries has also exacerbated their tragic plight. The assistance provided by foreign countries has also encouraged the rigid, irreconcilable and bellicose attitude of the Sinhala chauvinists.

The world community has always fought for the cause of the oppressed and it has always raised its voice of protest or intervened whenever there have been incidents of human rights violations, crimes against humanity or repression of minority nations in any part of the world. But we are dismayed to note that the international community is observing a muted silence over the colossal tragedy faced by the Eelam Tamils. Encouraged by the economic aid, military assistance, political, moral and diplomatic backing gained from international countries, Sinhala chauvinists have been adopting a genocidal policy against the Tamils with single-minded ruthlessness and arrogance.

We are aware of the fact that the international community is misguided by the sophisticated misinformation campaign carried out by Sri Lanka. It is unfortunate that the world community has uncritically assimilated the preposterous theories advanced by the Sri Lankan state (i.e. war for peace) to legitimise its military campaign against the Tamils.

Nevertheless, facts about the plight of the Tamils have also found their way to the international arena. Atrocities and injustices committed against the Tamil people for the last several decades have been well documented and submitted to international forums. International human rights organisations have expressed serious concern that the state oppression against the Tamil has reached genocidal proportions.

It is well known internationally that more than sixty thousand innocent Tamil civilians have been brutally done to death over the years by the terror and violence unleashed by the racist state in the Tamil homeland. Further more, more than eight hundred thousand Tamils, who fled the country and sought refuge all over the world, bear testimony as living witness to the barbaric nature of the Sinhala state oppression. The world is aware of all these facts. Yet, we are surprised and deeply saddened to note that this monumental human tragedy has not yet aroused the concern of world community.

We are well aware that in the present world order every country pursues its own national and commercial interests. Yet, the civilised world has always given primacy to the universal values of human rights and freedoms. What dismays us is that the countries which lead the civilised world are reluctant to raise their voices against the uncivilized forms of oppression unleashed against the Tamils. Nevertheless, we have not lost hope.

One day the truths that are buried deeply in the mass graves of Tamil Eelam will emerge from slumber and reveal the true face of Sinhala chauvinism. Only then the tragic story of our people will touch the heart of the world. Until such time, Eelam Tamils living all over the world should continue their campaign relentlessly about the tragic existential conditions of our people in the Tamil homeland with the objective of arousing the conscience of humanity.

So far, not a single voice of rationality is heard from the Sinhala nation against the war. None so far has made a plea to put an end to the war and resolve the problem by peaceful means. From politicians to the monks, from intellectuals to the journalists, every one calls for the intensification of the war. The Sinhala nation wants to continue the war to subjugate the Tamil nation.

Sri Lanka is a Buddhist country, a nation that follows the teachings of the Compassionate One who preached the noble ideals of love, truth and enlightenment. We are surprised as to how the evil of racism and militarism has raised its ugly head in a Buddhist society that thrived on the philosophy of “dharma”.

Today the war has expanded and escalated into a full-fledged conflagration in which armed forces of the two nations are confronting each other. The Sinhala nation is engaged in war of aggression to occupy Tamils land and to subjugate the Tamil people. We are fighting to protect our people and liberate our soil from alien aggression. The Sinhala nation is engaged in a war of injustice where as we are engaged in a liberation struggle in which justice is on our side.

Chandrika’s government, which has reached the peak in oppressing the Tamils is determined to escalate and continue the war. Her government is bent on prosecuting the war through the military campaign have demoralised the army, brought massive destruction of life and property and shattered the economy of the country. Chandrika’s military project has crumbled and failed to achieve any of its strategic objectives.

The fundamental objective of the war is to defeat and destroy the Liberation Tigers. But the LTTE has not been defeated but rather has grown immensely in strength acquiring wider experience in the art of modern warfare and turned out to be an invincible force. The Vanni battles caused a serious of debacles and massive casualties to the Sinhala armed forces. The ‘Jayasikuru battles, which was undertaken with the grand design to open the road to Jaffna, has prolonged for more than a year and half and reached an impasse with the fall of Killinochchi.

Chandrika’s political project of establishing Sinhala state administration in the occupied Jaffna peninsula with the help of the Tamil quislings is also being shattered . We cannot allow the Sinhala aggressive army to occupy even an inch of our homeland nor will we permit Sinhala state administrative functions in the occupied Tamil lands. We are shedding blood and fighting a deadly struggle with the primary objective of liberating our motherland which is the very foundation of the national existence and economic life of our people. Therefore we cannot permit the foot print of the Sinhala aggressors to remain embedded on our sacred soil.

We do not believe that Chandrika, who has become the author of the most blood strained chapter in the history of oppression of the Tamils, will bring peace to the country by resolving the Tamil national issue by peaceful means. She is a firm believer in a military solution and lives in an illusion that political conflicts can be solved by military means. She is also a prisoner of the Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinistic ideology. One cannot therefore expect a leadership dominated by such thinking to be humane and compassionate enough to do justice to the Tamils.

We have not close the doors for peace. We are open to the civilised method of resolving conflicts through rational dialogue. Since the Sinhala leadership lacks the political will and sincerity to resolve the problem we favour third party mediation for political negotiations. But we are not prepared to accept any pre-conditions for political dialogue. We want the political negotiations to be held in an atmosphere of peace and normalcy, free from the conditions of war, military aggression and economic blockades.

We are not stipulating any pre-conditions for peace talks. We are suggesting the creation of a climate of peace and goodwill to hold peace talks, a congenial environment in which our people must be free from the heavy burden of suffering imposed on them. We hold the view that political negotiations cannot be free, fair and just if the Government utilises the military aggression on our soil and the restrictions imposed on the economic life of our people as political pressures. We are prepared to engage in initial talks to discuss the removal of such pressures and to workout a basic frame work for political negotiations.

Our people are facing unbearable suffering in the form of death, destruction, displacement, hunger and starvation. They live as prisoners in their own homeland, facing daily, various forms of military atrocities. Our people want their day-to-day urgent problems resolved immediately. They cannot wait over an indefinite time until the peace talks resume and the ethnic conflict is discussed, resolved and the solution implemented. They want the war to come to an end and the occupation army that torments them to withdraw and their urgent existential problems addressed immediately.

Is Chandrika’s Government prepared to take a bold step to deal with the immediate essential problems of our people and resume political negotiations in a congenial climate of peace and goodwill. The people want their day-to-day urgent problems resolved immediately. They cannot wait over an indefinite time until the peace talks resume and the ethnic conflict is discussed, resolved and the solution implemented. They want the war to come to an end and the occupation army that torments them to withdraw and their urgent existential problems addressed immediately.

Is Chandrika’s Government prepared to take a bold step to deal with the immediate essential problems of our people and resume political negotiations in a congenial climate of peace and goodwill. If not, the possibility for peace and a peaceful negotiated political settlement to the ethnic conflict will become remote.

We do not anticipate that the hawkish and racist attitude of Sinhala chauvinism will undergo fundamental transformation. If such change does not take place Sinhala chauvinism will bear the responsibility for creating the concrete historical conditions for the birth of independent Tamil state”.

**

Address in Tamil Pdf :Prabakaran Heros day speech 1999 tamil

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 1997

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 5:32 pm

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
National Heroes Day, November 27, 1997

Address in Tamil Prabakaran Heros day speech 1997 tamil Pdf

“…Fifty years have lapsed since the governing authority of the island was transferred to the Sinhala majority. What have the Sinhala political parties, which have been ruling the island for the last half century, done to the Tamils to redress their grievances?…”


My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

Today is Heroes’ Day, a sacred day in which we honour and remember our beloved martyrs who have sacrificed their lives for the cause of freedom of our nation.

Our martyrs were extra-ordinary human beings. They chose the noble cause of liberating our people. Having lived and struggled for such a cause they finally sacrificed their precious lives for that higher ideal. I venerate our heroes since they renounced their personal desires and transcended their egoic existence for a common cause of higher virtue. Such a noble act of renunciation deserves our veneration.

Our liberation movement pays highest respect and reverence to our martyrs for their supreme sacrifice. We honour our martyrs as national heroes, as creators of the history of our national struggle. We commemorate our heroes and erect them memorials so that their memories should remain forever in our hearts. It has become a popular norm to bury our martyrs with honour, erect stone monuments for them and venerate these war cemeteries as holy places of tranquillity. The practice of venerating heroic martyrdom has become an established tradition in our society.

Our tradition of venerating martyrs as war heroes has always irritated the Sinhala chauvinist state. The Sinhala chauvinists find it intolerable the very fact that those whom they categorise as terrorists are venerated and glorified by the Tamils as war heroes. Furthermore, they feel that this tradition has become a source of inspiration to the Tamil freedom movement. Impelled by this hostile attitude, they committed a grave crime that deeply offended the Tamil nation.

This regrettable incident occurred when the Sinhala army of occupation took control of the Jaffna peninsula. The enemy forces committed the unpardonable crime of desecration, disrupting the spiritual tranquillity of our martyrs. Their war cemeteries underwent wanton destruction, their tomb-stones up-rooted and flattened and their memorials erased without a trace. I call this act of desecration of the graves of martyrs whom the Tamils venerate as their national heroes as wicked, immoral and uncivilized. This act cannot be dismissed as a wanton display of an occupying army. This is a grave act of terrorism which has left an indelible stain in the soul of the Tamil nation.

This heinous act clearly demonstrates the fact that the racist Sinhala regime has no respect for the deeper sentiments of the Tamil people. Nor are they prepared to do justice to the Tamils in recognition of their national aspirations.

Fifty years have lapsed since the governing authority of the island was transferred to the Sinhala majority. What have the Sinhala political parties, which have been ruling the island for the last half century, done to the Tamils to redress their grievances?

Have any of the reasonable demands of the Tamils been fulfilled? Has the burning question of the ethnic conflict been resolved? Nothing has happened. Rather, during this lengthy period of time, the Tamil people have been systematically burdened with intolerable suffering.

Successive Sri Lankan Governments adopted a policy of genocidal repression aimed at the gradual and systematic destruction of the Tamil nation. The planned annexation of the traditional lands of the Tamils, the denial of their linguistic rights, the deprivation of their educational and employment opportunities, the disruption of their social and economic existence, the destruction of their national resources and the mass extermination of the Tamils during riots and military campaigns indicate such genocidal policy.

Chandrika’s rule constitutes the worst period for the Tamils in the long history of the Sri Lankan state oppression. Not a single Tamil has been spared from harassment or suffering over this three years period. It is during Chandrika’s rule that the flames of war have escalated into major conflagration and scorched the Tamil lands. This has resulted in mass exodus of populations causing immense hardships to our people. It is during her regime that historically renowned traditional lands of the Tamils came under Sinhala military subjugation.

Her Government has intensified aggressive military campaigns and has tightened the embargo on food and medicine causing indescribable suffering to the Tamil people. It is during Chandrika’s administration that Sinhala chauvinistic oppression against the Tamils has become harsh, severe and rigorous. The central objective of her policy is to repress the Tamil freedom movement spearheaded by the Liberation Tigers and to subjugate the Tamil nation under Sinhala military rule. Her Government is pursuing this military option with single-minded determination.

In order to cover-up the monumental tragedy suffered by the Tamils as the consequence of the massive war effort and to distract world public opinion, Chandrika’s Government has staged a political play in the name of the devolution package. In reality, this political drama is intended to justify the strategic aims of the war and therefore, it is the other face of the military solution. The international community was misguided by the subtle and sophisticated propaganda of the Sri Lankan Government and opted to support the so-called package. We are surprised and disappointed to note that international countries have made a hasty decision on this matter without an objective analysis of the racist tendency of the Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism and the bitter and oppressive history suffered by the Tamils.

Chandrika’s political package fails to address the basic national aspirations of the Tamils. Severely watered down in its scope and content, these proposals have not yet evolved into a full-fledged comprehensive framework even after two and a half years of deliberations. Yet, we can perceive clearly the underlying objective of this political package. It aims at denying the Tamil homeland and the Tamil national identity. Its central objective is to subjugate the Tamil nation under the domination of the supreme power of the Sinhala state. The military solution of the government also aims at a similar strategy. Therefore, in our view, the political project of the so-called devolution package and the strategic objective of the military programme are similar, like two faces of the same coin.

Chandrika’s Government lacks the political will and commitment to resolve the Tamil national conflict reasonably through peaceful means. Chandrika is not courageous enough to submit a substantial framework to fulfil the national aspirations of the Tamil people. To justify her political inability she blames the extremist elements of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism and the LTTE. In reality, Chandrika’s Government itself is an embodiment of neo-Sinhala Buddhist chauvinism. It is absurd on her part to blame these forces, since it was Chandrika’s political party which was instrumental for reviving and re-building Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism as a monstrous phenomenon.

There is no truth in Chandrika’s accusation that the LTTE does not seek a political solution through peaceful means. It is because we sought a political settlement through peaceful means that we participated in several political talks from Thimpu to Jaffna. During these political negotiations we firmly upheld the interests of the Tamil nation, whereas the Sinhala Governments denied justice to the Tamils. Therefore, the talks failed. This situation arose because of the irreconcilable and intransigent attitude of the Sinhala governments. Therefore, we cannot be blamed for this situation.

From the time of the Thimpu talks we have been emphasising that the recognition of the Tamil homeland, Tamil nationhood and the Tamil right to self-determination should be the basis for any negotiated political settlement. This is our position even today.

The recognition of the Tamil homeland is fundamental to a political solution, since the territory of the Tamils is crucial for their national life and identity. Any political framework that fails to recognise the historically constituted homeland of the Tamils cannot be a basis for a solution to the Tamil National question.

It is questionable whether the Sinhala political parties will agree for a political settlement on the basis of Thimpu principles when they are not even prepared to recognise the Tamils’ right to a homeland. Such a political arrangement is inconceivable as long as the Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinistic ideology exerts hegemonic influence in the Sinhala political world. Having realised this political reality twenty years ago, the Tamil people opted to exercise their right to self-determination and fight for an independent state. Our liberation movement, in pursuance of the national aspirations of our people, has been engaged in a struggle for the last two decades to realise the right to self-determination.

For the last fifty years, the Sinhala state has been adopting a singular policy of oppression against the Tamils. This irrational policy has given rise to war and violence destroying the peace in the Island. Unless this policy is radically changed the war will continue for ever with its disastrous consequences. It is not the LTTE, but the Sinhala chauvinists who have chosen this path of violence and destruction.

By adopting a policy of military repression the Sinhala state has been destroying itself. Such a policy will never an put end to the Tamil freedom movement. One day the Sinhala chauvinists will realise this truth. We do not anticipate that the Sinhala chauvinists will renounce their policy of oppression and be prepared to do justice to the Tamils. We have not launched this liberation struggle with such expectations. We are aware that freedom is not a concession gained from the enemy, but a sacred right which has to be fought by shedding blood and making sacrifices.

Therefore, let us continue to struggle until we realise our goal of freedom.

  • Let us continue to struggle with the conviction that the immense sacrifices we have made will not be wasted.
  • Let us continue to struggle to expel the enemy forces who have occupied our sacred land.
  • Let us continue to struggle with the conviction that a determined nation will eventually win.
  • Let us continue to struggle with the memory of those martyrs who have fought and died with dedication for the liberation of our land.

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Address in Tamil Prabakaran Heros day speech 1997 tamil Pdf

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 1996

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 5:14 pm

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
National Heroes Day – November 27, 1996

During our long journey towards liberation we have crossed rivers of fire. It is our commitment to our cause that sustained us during these violent upheavals. The cause we have charted to fight for – the right to self-determination of our people – is right, fair and just. From the beginning up to now, we are resolutely committed to our cause. Our cause is our towering strength. It is because of our firm commitment to our cause that we have our importance, individuality and history”

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 My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

Today is a day of veneration. It is on this day we venerate and pay our respects to our heroes who adorn our temple of freedom as thousands of shining flames of liberty.

Today is not a day of mourning to weep for the dead nor a sad day to plunge into sorrow. Today is the sacred day of our martyrs.

Today we remember and venerate our fighters in our hearts who have sacrificed their precious lives for a noble cause. Today we salute them for their heroism and supreme sacrifice.

The price we pay for our liberation in terms of great sacrifices is invaluable. The sacrifices made by our heroes for the cause of our people to live with dignity and sovereignty are unparalleled in the history of the world. An epic of heroism unique in history has been created on our soil.

The freedom struggle of the Tamils has been a raging inferno for a long time. Several forces have joined hands with our enemy in a continuous effort to extinguish this fire of freedom. As a consequence, we have been facing various crises and set-backs at different times. We are compelled to struggle alone against formidable forces without support or assistance from anywhere. Therefore, the price we pay for our freedom is immense. It is our martyrs who have paid with their lives to protect and preserve the flame of national freedom.

During our long journey towards liberation we have crossed rivers of fire. It is our commitment to the cause that sustained us during these violent upheavals. The cause we have charted to fight for the right to self-determination of our people is right, fair and just. From the beginning up to now, we are resolutely committed to our cause. Our cause is our towering strength. It is because of our firm commitment to our cause we have our importance, individuality and history.

The higher ideals of other Tamil groups could not withstand the political upheavals that swept Tamil Eelam. But no force could break our will.

The Indian military occupation of Tamil Eelam posed a major challenge to our determination. At that historical conjuncture when we were hard pressed by the military supremacy of a world power, we fought with fierce determination without giving up the cause. During that dangerous situation, determination became our ultimate weapon. It was by that moral power we were able to confront a great military power of the world.

We are now facing a new challenge, a new war of aggression. Our historical enemy, Sinhala Buddhist Chauvinism, has taken institutional form in the guise of Chandrika’s regime and has been conducting a genocidal war against the Tamil nation.

Having mobilised the full military might of the Sinhala nation, it has occupied the historical lands of the Tamils in the North.
The central strategic objective of this aggressive war was to destroy the military strength of the LTTE by utilising several divisions of troops and massive fire power. But the Sinhala army has failed to achieve this military objective.

The grand strategy of the army was to unleash large scale conventional modes of battles in the Jaffna Peninsula, a territorial region surrounded by sea and extremely disadvantageous to us geographically. The plan was to bog us down in the Peninsula and to destroy our military potential. We were aware of this nefarious strategy.

Subsequently we organised a counter plan to fight back effectively the advancing columns and make strategic movement of our forces so as to preserve our military strength from annihilation. As a consequence, the strategic objective of the armed forces in the battles of Jaffna turned out to be a fiasco.

In the conduct of the war it becomes a necessary condition for a liberation movement practising the art of guerrilla warfare to make strategic withdrawals and to loose areas of control. This cannot be categorised as a military defeat but can be regarded as a temporary set-back. By preserving our military power and our determination, we could launch counter offensive operations at any place and at any time chosen by us when the right objective condition prevails. By such manoeuvres we could inflict heavy damage on the enemy’s military power and even regain lost territories.

This strategy is best exemplified at the battle of Mullaitivu where we inflicted heavy casualties on the army and recaptured the territory. This success was possible because we retained our military power.

This aggressive war that has been launched in the guise of a “war for peace” and as a “war for the liberation of the Tamils” has seriously disrupted the peace of the Tamils, reduced them to refugees, as subjugated people, destroyed their social and economic existence and brought them intolerable suffering. Though the Government of Chandrika has been cheating the world with its theory of peace, in practice it is conducting a brutal war against the Tamil people.

Jaffna Peninsula has been transformed into an open air prison. Having dismembered the region into different security zones with defence bunds, barbed wire fences and innumerable check-points, this famous historical land of the Tamils has been brought under the rule of military terror.

The incidents of arrests, detention, torture, rape, murder, disappearances and the discovery of the disappeared in mass graves reveal that a covert genocidal policy is practised in the army controlled areas.

The military atrocities occurring in the occupied areas and the anti-Tamil persecution taking place in the South have exposed the real racist face of the Government. Compared to previous Sinhala Governments, it is Chandrika’s regime which has inflicted a deep wound in the soul of the Tamil nation.

From the beginning we realised the Government of Chandrika would not do justice to the Tamils nor would it resolve the Tamil national problem. We were deeply dismayed when her Government adopted an intransigent and bellicose attitude during peace talks with the LTTE. The talks ended inconclusively when the Government refused to grant even meagre concessions to the urgent day-to-day needs of the Tamils and gave primacy to the interests of the military establishment.

Since the Government believed in military supremacy, in military approaches and in a military solution, it did not treat the peace talks seriously and deliberately created conditions for the failure of the negotiating process. From the beginning until today the deepest aspiration of this Government is to achieve military hegemony in the Tamil homeland and to subjugate the Tamils under military domination.

This approach pre-dominated by militarism and chauvinism has complicated the ethnic conflict and firmly closed the doors for peace. It has aggravated the armed conflict. It has seriously disrupted the Sri Lankan economy. In totality, Chandrika’s Government has been caught up in an insurmountable crisis. The international community is now beginning to realise that Chandrika’s “war for peace” is not only destroying the Tamil national life but also plunging the entire island into a major catastrophe.

To distract the world’s criticism from her hard-line military approach and for the escalation of the war, Chandrika is sending peace signals. While issuing statements that she is prepared for talks with the LTTE through third party mediation she has also laid down ridiculous conditions that we should surrender arms before talks. No liberation movement with self-respect could accept such humiliating conditions.

Having unleashed an intense propaganda campaign categorising our liberation movement as a “terrorist” organisation and our freedom struggle as “terrorism” this Government is making every effort to ban our organisation locally and abroad.

Furthermore, the Government is making massive military preparations to escalate the war and issuing statements that the LTTE would be wiped out within next year. In these circumstances, we have grave doubts about Chandrika’s peace gesture. We are not opposed to peace, nor are we opposed to a resolution of the conflict by peaceful means.

We want an authentic peace, a true, honourable, permanent peace, a condition in which our people can live with freedom and dignity in their own land without external coercion determining their own political life. We have grave doubts whether the forces of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism will allow such a peaceful life to the Tamil people.

Chauvinistic Sinhala Governments committed to repression and military solutions will not resolve the Tamil national problem by peaceful means. Historically the Tamils have learned this lesson. We do not believe that Chandrika’s regime, which is the guardian and the political representative of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism will bring authentic peace to the Tamils by resolving the ethnic conflict. Because of this distrust we sought third party mediation.

We have made statements a year ago, calling for international mediation if possibilities of peace talks arise in the future. At that time, the Government of Chandrika did not favourably consider our suggestion. Instead, it escalated the aggressive war in the North, intensified the ethnic conflict and undermined the conditions of peace.

The Government may entertain a notion that it has gained military hegemony by the occupation of Tamil lands and that this position could be used as a mode of pressure to its advantage in the peace talks. As far as we are concerned, peace talks under such conditions cannot be free and equal.

We cannot expect justice from a Government that attempts to barter the rights of our people with military power as its trump card. It is for this reason, we want peace talks to be held in a congenial environment free from the pressure of military aggression. Our position is that political negotiations should be preceded by creating conditions for de-escalation, withdrawal of troops and normalcy. We are prepared to talk and reach an agreement on these issues.

We do not expect Chandrika’s Government to accept our just position. For years the forces of Sinhala-Buddhist chauvinism believed in and practised a policy of military domination and oppression. Chandrika’s regime too, is functioning under the shadow of military power. Therefore we have serious doubts whether Chandrika’s Government will give up the policy of military domination and resolve the conflict on the basis of moral power and justice.

We cannot gain our rights by pleading with the Sinhala rulers. We must fight and win our rights. History has not recorded any liberation struggle that has won without fighting, without bloodshed, without death and destruction, without sacrifices.

Therefore let us struggle. Let us struggle facing set-backs as challenges and victories as inspirations, let us continue to struggle with confidence under any difficulties and hardships. Let us struggle with unfailing determination until we drive the occupation army from our soil, until we achieve the liberation of our nation.

Let us remember and venerate our martyrs today with a solemn pledge that we will wipe the tears of our beloved ones who are suffering under military occupation and repression.

Tamil Eelam National Flag

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 5:01 pm

Tamil Eelam – a De Facto State

Tamil Eelam National Flag


Rules guide on use of Tamileelam National flag

The Tiger symbol of Liberation Tigers of Tamileelam (LTTE) created in 1977, was designated as the National Flag of Tamileelam in 1990 differentiating it from the LTTE’s emblem by leaving out the letters inscribing the movement’s name. LTTE Saturday released an updated version of the guide providing instructions and explaining the correct usage of the Tamileelam National Flag. The guide written in Tamil specifies the regulations for flying alone or with national flags of other countries, and for general handling of the flag. The National Flag has four colors, yellow, red, black, and white.
Tiger emblem in the flag has undergone a revival towards its original form when it was created and an updated guide was issued, informed sources from Kilinochchi said.

Although “white” was part of original [1977] Tiger emblem, some intermediate printings dropped this color from the flag. White was again made permanent part of the emblem in the new version of the National flag.

LTTE leader Pirapaharan selected Tiger as the Tamileelam national insignia to present an image rooted in Dravidian civilization symbolizing martial velour and the uniqueness of Tamil language and culture.

“The Tiger symbol illustrated the martial history (Veera varalaru) and national upheaval of the Tamils. Our national flag is the symbol of the independent state of Tamileelam to be created, rooted in the martial traditions (Veera marapuhal) of the Tamils,” LTTE organ Viduthalai Puligal said in its February 1991 issue.

Four aspects of ideals and mission of Tamileelam represented by the four colors are detailed in the published guide book.

“Yellow signifies that Tamils’ aspiration to freely govern themselves in their own homeland is a fundamental political and human right. The color expresses the righteousness of Tamil struggle and reinforces Tamil Nation’s will to uphold moral highground during its path towards freedom.

Red represents the realization that freedom is not complete by establishment of a separate state of Tamileelam. We should abolish distinctions of caste and class. Eagalitarianism should become our spiritual principle. Gender equality should permeate Tamil society. The revolutionary changes necessary to spread social justice represented by these principles are reflected by this color.

Black reminds that march towards freedom is wrought with dangers, death and destruction. That it’s filled with pain and misery. Black signifies determination and resoluteness vital to withstand the adversities and build the new nation of Tamileelam. To provide security and to defend the borders.

White demands purity, honesty and selflessness from the leaders and citizens of Tamileelam.”

An example figure provided in the guide

tamilnet

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Tamil National Flag Song-

Since it was first unfurled in Tamileelam, the traditional homeland of the Tamils, the national flag of Tamileelam has become an icon which is rooted deep in the Dravidian civilization symbolizing martial valour, the uniqueness of Tamil language, culture and the Tamil people’s will to freedom.

The Tamils worldwide show immense gratitude and love for their national flag. The national flag has become a sacred national symbol that identifies the unique Tamil nation. The flag is handled with outmost care as Tamils humbly remember the thousands of men and women who have paid the ultimate and supreme sacrifice so that the national flag will fly high in the skies of an independent Tamileelam.

Currently, the Sinhala military occupation of the Tamil homeland has prevented the Tamileelam national flag from flying in the Tamil homeland. It is the mission of the Tamileelam National Flag Campaign to demonstrate to the entire world that Tamils all around the world wholeheartedly accept the national flag of Tamileelam, which is central to the identity of Tamils worldwide.

Raise a Flag to Endorse Our Initiative!

Tamil National Flag  tamilnationalflag.com/

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 1995

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 2:15 am

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
27 November 1995

This is our land, the land in which we were born, grew and live, the land which bears the foot prints of our forefathers, the land in which our culture and history are rooted…The LTTE will not participate in peace negotiations imposed at the point of a gun …This is the message we wish to address to the Chandrika regime”

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My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

Today is Martyrs’ Day, a sacred day in which we cherish the memory of our heroes who have sacrificed their precious lives for the cause of the freedom of our nation.

Our martyrs have died for the liberation of this land so that our people could live in our land with freedom, dignity and security.

This is our land, the land in which we were born, grew and live, the land which bears the foot prints of our forefathers, the land in which our culture and history are rooted.

Our martyrs have died for the objective that this land should belong to us. They have died for the cause of liberating this land from the shackles of alien domination and transforming it into an independent sovereign nation.

In the sacred war of liberating our homeland our heroes have made supreme sacrifices which cannot be described in words. Extraordinary deeds never before happened in the history of the world have taken place in this land, for the freedom of this land. The ideal dream, the spiritual yearning of those thousands of martyrs who have created this heroic legend will be actualised one day.

Today the war of aggression against our land by the enemy has reached a phenomenal scale. Having mobilised all its military power and having utilised all its national resources, the enemy has launched a massive invasion on the Jaffna soil.

Our traditional land of ancient historical glory is being systematically destroyed by the enemy’s firepower. The intense shelling that rains down unabatingly has wiped out the face of Jaffna. The fundamental objective of this war of aggression is to destroy the economic resources and the cultural heritage of Jaffna thereby uprooting the national life of the people.

This war is not, as the government claims, against the LTTE. This war is against the Tamil people, against the Tamil Nation. The objective of this war is to destroy the Tamil Nation. This racist war of Sinhala chauvinism has a long history.

It has been going on before the birth of the LTTE. It has started by Chandrika’s father. Now, Chandrika’s government has given total expression to this racist war. The strategic objective of this war is to annihilate the national identity of the Tamils by destroying their life and property and their land and resources.

Wearing a peace mask and pretending that she was committed to a peaceful resolution of this conflict, Chandrika was able to cheat the Sinhala people and the world and assumed political power. Having taken the reins of power she staged a drama of peace negotiations. We extended our hands of friendship seeking a peaceful solution to the Tamil National question. To promote the peace process, we released the prisoners of war as a gesture of goodwill. During the peace negotiations we neither put forward stringent conditions nor rigid demands.

We requested Chandrika government to lift the economic embargo and the restrictions on travelling and to create conditions of normalcy. We requested the government to alleviate the suffering of our people who have been subjected to extreme difficulties without the basic needs of life.

But Chandrika government was not prepared to concede even these meagre concessions. As the talks prolonged fruitlessly for over a period of six months we realised an important fact – that Chandrika government was not interested in peace nor in a peaceful resolution of the conflict. Since primacy was given to military concerns throughout the negotiations it became very apparent to us that Chandrika regime was seriously considering the military option.

The monumental scale in which the invasion has been launched on Jaffna amply illustrates the politico-military objective of the government. The strategy aims at the encirclement and occupation of the densely populated vital area of the Tamil homeland and to proclaim to the world that Jaffna society is ‘liberated’. But this strategy of Chandrika government has turned out to be a disaster since the people of Jaffna city and Valigamam region evacuated the area before the encirclement of the army.

This massive exodus has demonstrated the fact that the people of Jaffna, in a unanimous stand, have expressed their opposition to the government war effort and absurd reasons attributed to it. This mass exodus has impressed upon the Sinhala Nation and the world that the Tamil people are no more prepared to be subjected to Sinhala state administration and that the people and the LTTE could not be separated. Therefore, Chandrika regime has failed to achieve the political objective behind the Jaffna offensive.

We are relieved that our people have safely escaped from the military siege and the political trap behind it, yet we are deeply sad about the enormous suffering and pain they are subjected to as a consequence of this mass displacement. It distresses us deeply that our people have had to vacate their traditional villages where they lived for centuries and leave their houses, lands and property and become destitutes.

Yet, we consider such tragic experience and suffering as a tremendous contribution by our people to the cause of national emancipation. This mass exodus proclaims to the world that our people are determined to live as free beings with self-dignity and that they are prepared to face any form of suffering to be independent rather than subjecting themselves to the domination of the aggressor.

The Sinhala military devils may hoist victory flags in depopulated Jaffna which has been reduced to rubble. The Sinhala chauvinistic gangs in the South may light crackers in jubilation assuming that they have captured the kingdom of Jaffna. Chandrika may send peace signals believing that military hegemony has been achieved. In these circumstances we wish to make it absolutely clear that as long as the Sinhala army is occupying Jaffna the doors for peace will be firmly closed.

The LTTE will not participate in peace negotiations imposed at the point of a gun subjecting itself to military pressure. This is the message we wish to address to Chandrika regime. It will be nothing other than political stupidity if Chandrika government thinks that it can bring about peace and political settlement by occupying Jaffna and uprooting hundreds of thousands of people.

The invasion of Jaffna is a gigantic historical blunder made by Chandrika regime. As a consequence of this act the Colombo government has closed all avenues for peace and plunged the entire island into grave conflictual situation.

There is absolutely no truth in claims made by the government controlled media that the LTTE has suffered heavy casualties and that it has been weakened by the offensive on Jaffna. In the battle of Jaffna, we have neither suffered heavy casualties nor been weakened. It is the armed forces that have suffered more casualties than the LTTE.

We have fought efficiently within our capability against huge military formations with formidable manpower and firepower which advanced along a geographical terrain advantageous to them. Though we fought under extremely difficult and dangerous conditions we did not suffer heavy casualties. Neither our manpower nor our military structure is affected in anyway.

The army’s strategy to entice us into a conventional war to destroy our manpower did not work. In the battle of Jaffna we faced a set-back. It is a temporary set-back. We faced serious set-back during the Indian military occupation. But we were not defeated. In the end, it was the Indian army which faced defeat. Therefore, today’s set-back will turn out to be a victory tomorrow.

Sri Lankan army has over-stretched its feet on the Jaffna soil. It is not a difficult task to conquer territories by mobilising large formations of troops. But it will be a difficult task to hold the territories captured. This is the historical reality faced by the aggressive armies all over the world. The Sri Lankan army will soon learn this historical truth.

Sri Lankan state is attempting to determine the political destiny of the Tamils on the basis of military power. It assumes that it can impose an inadequate solution on the Tamils by military hegemony and territorial aggression. Such a military solution underlies Chandrika’s conception of ‘war for peace’.

Any Tamil with self-dignity will not accept such a solution. To frustrate this government’s scheme and to advance our liberation struggle, we are left with only one alternative. We have to strengthen our military structure and intensify our struggle. It is only by strengthening the military power the Tamils could freely determine their political destiny. It is only by strengthening our military power we could live with security; we could gain our lost territories; we could return to our homes as free men.

The task of building the military power of the Tamil Nation has become the inevitable historical necessity today. This is crucial for the survival of the Tamil Nation. Our Nation has been forced into a necessity to struggle for survival. The young generation of Tamils cannot escape from this national duty, from this call of history. Any delay in this task will endanger the existence of our Nation. Therefore, I call upon the younger generation to join our liberation movement without delay. The earlier the youth join our movement the quicker we can achieve the objectives of our struggle.

We call for the support and solidarity of the world Tamil community at this critical time when we are faced with a genocidal war all alone without any external assistance. We appeal to the people of Tamil Eelam living abroad to champion the cause of our struggle and assist us in all possible ways.

On this sacred day when we remember our martyrs who have sacrificed their lives for national freedom and attained historical immortality, let us pledge to commit ourselves to the cause for which thousands of our freedom fighters laid down their lives.

 

Leader V Prabakaran's Heros day speech 1994

Filed under: eelamview, freedom struggle, Prabhakaran, tamil eelam — Tags: , , — எல்லாளன் @ 2:09 am

We cannot be subdued

Maha Veerar Naal Address
மாவீரர் நாள் – National Heroes Day
27November 1994

We are a movement fighting for liberation. We are not an ordinary group which stands abjectly in askance of concessions…Our goal is that we should live with honour peace, safety and freedom in our home soil, our own soil which historically belongs to us. This is our national aspiration.”


My beloved people of Tamil Eelam,

“We celebrate this day as the holy day on which we worship in the temples of our heart our dear fighters who gave up their lives, sacrificed their lives for the noble ideal that our people should achieve freedom and live in freedom with dignity and honour and the right of self government.

Our country has paid an incalculable price for the sake of liberation. This land has turned into a battlefield and a river of blood has flowed on this soil. Our warriors are dying even today for the sake of liberation. All those thousands upon thousands of tombstones on this soil stand demanding liberation as their goal. The figures of the great warriors whom we encounter on roads, street corners, and walls appear as witnesses to liberation.

A great political change has taken place in Sri Lanka. A new government has come to power with a new approach and a new mandate. When the Chandrika government extended its hand for peace we grasped it with friendship. We participated in talks without preconditions or imposing any constraints. As these talks began in the first stage we gave precedence to the problems faced by our people.

The Sinhala army does not appear to like finding a solution to the problem of the Tamils through peaceful means. The uncompromising hard line, military activities and war preparations of the army show this truth.

It does not appear that even the Chandrika government has not given up the military approach. The government does not want to act against the army’s hard line. The government is not prepared to bring any pressure on the army. Under such circumstances it is not an easy matter to create an atmosphere for peace or normalcy.

Therefore, if the government has a true and honest interest in the path of peace it should be easy only if the armed forces are also led on that path.

Stopping war activities removing the economic embargo, opening the passage for transport, removing the ban on the maritime zone, and resettling refugees all depend on the position of the army.

We stand not as an obstacle on the path for peace. We have not closed the doors of peace. We are prepared for peace. If talks take place again we will take part in them. We desire that a solution should be found first to the daily problems faced by our people.

If the Chandrika government has to secure the trust and goodwill of our people, it should first find a solution to their immediate problems and create an atmosphere for peace and normalcy in the homeland of the Tamils.

Our movement which fought for long, shedding blood, has taken the struggle to higher stage – to the point where it has established structures of self-rule.

Today we stand on a very strong and solid foundation. We should never forget that the people who laid this strong foundation were our great warriors.

The Sinhala government is interested in (developing) negotiations with us because we stand on a strong base as a powerful force.

We will assist the Chandrika government if it takes steps to find a peaceful solution to the national problem of the Tamils.

If proper proposals for autonomy are put forward we are prepared to examine them.

My Dear Tamil people!

We are a movement fighting for liberation. We are not an ordinary group which stands abjectly in askance of concessions.

Our goal is that we should live with honour peace, safety and freedom in our home soil, our own soil which historically belongs to us.

This is our national aspiration. We ask for a solution which will fulfill this national aspiration. Only such a solution can be permanent. Only that will create a lasting peace.

Until we get that solution, we should stand as one people rally round as one nation, with unflinching firmness.

We shall take an oath on this national day, on this day when we remember in our hearts, our warriors who laid down their lives for the liberation of our nation, that we will firmly stand by our goal.

As we light the lamps in the ‘warriors’ resting ‘ abodes’ which are the temples of freedom, we shall take this oath as a gift to their souls ‘ aspirations.

The thirst of the Tigers is the homeland of Tamil Eelam!

tamilnation

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