Rajiv Gandhi’s #IPKF #WarCrimes “The Satanic Force” #RajivGandhi @RahulGandhi #india

The Satanic Force - Story about the heinous crimes of indian peace keeping Force in Sri Lanka - IPKF

India & the Struggle for Tamil Eelam

நெற்றிக்கண் திறப்பினும் குற்றம் குற்றமே…உண்மைகள் ஒருபோதும் உறங்குவதில்லை, உறங்கவும் கூடா… Truth never sleeps – and it should not…

The Indian Army Launches Attack

This account was written by a Tamil resident in London, who visited his homeland for the first time after five years and details the happenings in Jaffna during the period 12 September 1987 to 14 November 1987

Trip by train from Colombo to Jaffna

This article is written on the basis of what I saw and heard during my visit to Sri Lanka from 12 September to 14 November 1987. My visit, along with my family, was hurriedly planned to take advantage of the ‘peace’ in Sri Lanka, immediately following the signing of the Agreement between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President J.R. Jayawardene on the 29th of July 1987. My family and I wished to see our parents and our friends back at home.

I landed in Colombo on the 12th of September 1987, clutching in my hands the popular Sri Lankan dailies, ‘The Sun’, ‘The Island’ and the ‘Daily News’. They were full of news about the Indo – Sri Lanka Accord. They were fulsome in their commendations to Rajiv Gandhi and J.R. Jayawardene. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam were also give prominent treatment

From Colombo, we travelled by train to Jaffna. We were told that the direct trip to Jaffna by train was only made possible after the Accord and that even now, the full journey to Kankesanturai (the usual last stop of the Jaffna train) was not possible because of damage to the railway lines between Jaffna and KKS The train was packed and I found a good number of public servants returning to Jaffna for the week end to visit their families.

Everything looked new and different to me after five long years since my last visit. However, I managed to locate a few persons from my village, whom I knew and through them I was introduced to others in the carriage. Some of them said that we were the lucky ones, because we could afford a home abroad away from all the miseries in the Island. When questioned about the situation in Jaffna, they came out with their experiences of unspeakable horror and their feelings of sudden relief immediately after the signing of the Accord. They spoke about ‘Operation Liberation’ of the 26th of May, and ‘Operation Poomalai’ of the 4th of June and the courageous and dedicated stand taken by the LTTE to preserve their heritage. But when asked whether the Accord would work, some sighed and gave a smile; some said, ‘well’; a few said ‘no comments’; one or two said, ‘they will make it work whether we like it or not’; and others said ‘enough is enough, let us not talk of the past’. None of them were sure of the future.

Jaffna was peaceful when I arrived. As usual, the station was noisy but with one difference – and that was my first sight of the Indian Army (the Indian Peace Keeping Force – IPKF) carrying SLRs and AK47 machine guns. As we moved away from the Jaffna railway station towards Vaddukoddai we saw more and more Indian troops carrying weapons at main cross roads, inside the Bank of Ceylon premises opposite the Jaffna Provincial Hospital, opposite Sivan Kovil near Vannarponnai and so on. But I noticed that there were practically no troops outside the Jaffna Municipality limits.ipkf7

Indian troops carrying TV and Video sets

After arriving at home, I used to visit Jaffna town daily to meet my friends and relations. The town was crowded with shoppers, pedestrians and cyclists. If one had to move about, the cheapest mode of transport was the minibus or else, cycling which had no cost associated with it. There was also a noticeable number of brand new Japanese cars on the roads. These cars, I was told, emerged only after the Accord. The shops were crowded. Here and there, I saw Indian soldiers carrying TV and Video sets on their shoulders to their parked trucks and jeeps. I was told that those who sell electrical goods were thriving in their business because of the presence of the IPKF.

I noticed the frequent use of the terms ‘development’ and ‘rebuilding’ in discussions amongst NGOs, academics, political activists, students, religious circles, business people and others – development and rebuilding of schools, industries, housing, transport, tourism, towns and cities. There was a noticeable optimism among most people in Jaffna following the signing of the Accord. There was a lull in the terror and violence which had reigned over the North and East for previous four years.

Everyday, the newspapers carried sensational investment proposals for the North and East. There was news of foreign missions visiting the North and East and promising aid in millions of rupees. I heard local development planners talking seriously of building a new town in Nallur, a new city in Vadamaratchi, a modern capital for the Tamils in Trincomalee, and a highway from Point Pedro to Trincomalee by the coastline. Money was promised for every thing from orphanages to building new cities; from rehabilitation to resettlement.

Thileepan’s fast

However reports reaching Jaffna indicated that the East was not fully free from unrest. There were reports of arrests, torture and killing by the Sri Lankan Security Forces But, things were going relatively smoothly until the 15th of September, when it was announced that the LTTE leader of the political wing in Jaffna, Thileepan, had commenced a fast unto death campaign at 9.30 a.m. in front of the historic Nallur Murugan Temple in protest against

the failure to effectively implement the promises in the Accord;
the accelerated state aided Sinhala colonisation in the Eastern Province;
the continued detention of Tamil prisoners under the Prevention of Terrorism Act;
the failure of the Home Guards to surrender their arms;
the failure to close army and police camps situated in Tamil areas; and
the delay in setting up an interim administration for the North and East.

Hartals and peaceful protests

The fast picked up momentum day by day and it became the issue in everybody’s mind as the days passed by. We received reports that more and more people were joining the fast. One lady teacher named Subashanthini Rajasundaram started her fast in support of Thileepan’s protest, sitting next to him on the 17th of September and I was informed that five others had joined the fast at Valvettiturai junction on the 18th of September and so on. I later received reports that such fasts had been spreading in the mainland as well – in places like Chavakacheri, Mullaitivu, Batticaloa, and Trincomalee.

There were hartals and protest marches organised by the LTTE. The schools and colleges were closed and students organised marches to Nallur and picketed the Indian military camps. During the hartal all shops were closed and the public was encouraged to attend pickets and rallies. I saw thousands of men, women and children joining pickets and rallies. All forms of transport, cars, vans, cycles, mini buses, government buses, bullock carts, scooters and motor cycles were used to move people around.

All the Tamil dailies in the North began to highlight the fast and associated events. Surprisingly, the media in the South (of Sri Lanka) was silent on the whole issue – the dailies did not carry the news and the TV and radio blacked out the fast and the protest movement. However in the North, everybody tried to see LTTE’s TV transmission named Nitharshan which gave a day by day account of the events. As days passed by, the deterioration in Thileepan’s health caught the headlines of the Tamil dailies. Coloured posters began to appear in all the villages. Loudspeaker fitted cars and vans were seen in villages making announcements on the fast and asking public to picket IPKF camps and appeal for justice.

I was informed that there had been a skirmish on the 16th of September between the public and the IPKF at Neervelli when a jeep carrying IPKF personnel had been carelessly driven at a picket line – and two women had been knocked down. The public gathered and surrounded the jeep and assaulted the IPKF officers. Three of them were tied up and thrown to the road. They were later released when a higher ranking officer intervened and gave an assurance that an inquiry would be held. On the same day, people who went to picket outside the old Dutch Fort military camp, had entered the recently opened Pannai Police Station in Jaffna, ransacked the whole place, and tore off the uniforms of the Police Officers. The police station was forcibly shut and the police officers took refuge in the Fort military camp I felt the tension mounting day by day.

Thileepan dies and thousands grieve

thileep.jpg (12669 bytes)The Citizen Committees, trade unions, students unions, teachers associations, religious leaders, all held meetings and discussed the issues relating to Thileepan’s fast and passed resolutions and submitted memoranda to the overall commander of the IPKF, Lt. General Depinder Singh requesting the Indian representatives to intervene and stop the fast and initiate immediate efforts to set up the interim administration in the North and East. But nothing moved fast enough to stop Thileepan’s death. Thileepan died on the 26th of September 1987. There was widespread grief in the North. There can be little doubt that Thileepan’s martyrdom had a profound effect on every Tamil soul in Sri Lanka. Thousands of people from the North and East poured into Jaffna as the news of his death spread.

But no violent reaction at funeral

Judging by past events, everyone expected a violent reaction in the North and East, following Thileepan’s death, but to everybody’s surprise the funeral turned into a peaceful day of mourning. The LTTE members moved in decisively to curb any kind of violence. They moved all state owned buses into depots and guarded them. They also provided cover to government institutions after some attempts had been made to set fire to them. The Tamil daily Eelamurasu as well as the TV Nitharshan carried the LTTE leader, Prabakharan’s appealed to the people not to destroy or damage public property, as this was the property of Tamil Eelam. Black flags were seen everywhere – on the roads, in houses, churches, temples, trees, public buildings and so on Thousands of sobbing men, women and children followed the body covered with the red flag of the Tigers with their emblem on it. Thileepan’s body was taken on a decorated van through the villages for the people to pay their homage and finally taken to Suthumalai where it was kept for the people to pay their last respects. I was later informed that his body was donated to the medical faculty of Jaffna University. The LTTE said that this had been his last wish.

Thileepan’s death brought sadness and sorrow and also fear to many people. Most of them had genuinely believed that the Indians would intervene and stop the disaster. They began to have doubts about India’s conduct. They began to say ‘this could have been avoided’ and ‘India should have moved fast’ and ‘India should not have let this happen’ and so on. The Tamil dailies began to carry articles criticising the handling of the whole issue by the Indians. I could feel the tension mounting.

Kumarappa and Pulendran arrested by Sri Lanka Navy

Following the death of Thileepan all other fasts were called off. But on the 3rd of October came the event which was destined to trigger off the final collapse of the Indo Sri Lanka Accord. The Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation and the Tamil and English dailies announced the headline news: two LTTE leaders, Kumarappa and Pulendran along with 12 others had been arrested by the Sri Lankan Navy and they were being held in the Army camp at Pallali. Panic struck Jaffna. There were rumours that the arrested leaders were severely tortured by the Sri Lankan security forces and that President Jayawardene had ordered their removal to Colombo for further interrogation.

The Tamil dailies carried head lines stating that the Indian military officers and high officials of the Indian High Commission had recommended the release of the captives but that this had been over ruled by the Sri Lankan government. I saw messages appearing on the LTTE’s giant blackboards at cross roads. There were reports that negotiations were underway for the release of the two leaders and the others who had been captured. This issue became the talk of the town. There was a big demand for Eelamurasu, the Tamil daily that was published by the LTTE in Jaffna From that which appeared in the Tamil dailies, I gathered that much discussion and behind the scene political moves were taking place daily for the release of the captives.

Arrested LTTE leaders take cyanide and die

But, suddenly, on the 5th of October, there was an announcement from local loud speaker carriers that all the captives, including the two leaders had taken cyanide and killed themselves. This according to the announcement, was to avoid torture and removal to Colombo. There was noticeable panic everywhere. I saw black flags coming up again and people standing at their gates to listen to the latest news from passers by. I saw the tension mounting and I felt a sharp deterioration in the overall situation in the peninsula.

Indian Army attacks

On October 10th, while I was on my way to Jaffna town, I was told that the IPKF had gone and blasted the premises of ‘Eelamurasu’ and damaged the buildings of ‘Murasoli’ and arrested all the employees. These attacks were reported to have taken place at 1a.m. and 6 a.m. respectively. And at 6a.m., LTTE’s TV station at Kopay was damaged by the IPKF and the equipment and machinery was removed. These actions by the IPKF were seen as unwarranted and they led to the LTTE taking up arms again.

As I neared Jaffna town, I saw vehicles carrying bands of young men in and out of the town. It was exactly 12.55 p.m. on the 10th of October that the bloody war started near Jaffna Central College. There was heavy firing which continued at least for about 40 to 45 minutes. Jaffna town was heavily crowded with people and all were taken by surprise, not knowing what was going on and which direction to flee. Mini vans packed with people fled from the main bus stand. Cyclists rolled one top of another, desperately trying to get onto the road. Pedestrians took to their heels and ran wildly in all directions. There was total pandemonium. I managed to get behind a crowd fleeing north and finally reached Vannarponnai, a village in the outskirts of Jaffna town. From there, I wasted no time in getting back home before the violence spread.

The next day I decided to get back to Jaffna to see what had happened. I did not know that a curfew had been declared. Like me, there were several others who were cycling together from Vaddukodai to go to Jaffna town. Everything looked normal. There were people on the road and here and there we saw vehicles moving on the road. Nothing seemed different until we reached Oddumadam which is small village on the outskirts of Jaffna town. We were stopped by young Tigers and some other people living in Oddumadam and asked to get back home. We heard loud explosions coming from the direction of the town. According to those who stopped us, there was continuous shelling from the Dutch Fort by the Indian Army ‘They are blowing up the town’ said the old folks. ‘You can’t go in now’ said the Tigers, all carrying weapons in their hands. We saw a helicopter which appeared to be coming from Karainagar. We ran into a nearby house and after the helicopter disappeared we were asked to return home immediately. We took no chances. We returned home

There was no news about the incidents in Jaffna except that which said in the Sri Lankan government’s news bulletins relayed by the SLBC, the newscast on All India Radio and the Manila Cheithigal (the Regional News) from India. But, the Tigers continued to release ‘Eelamurasu’ which came in a single sheet, and it was hard to obtain. Only a few copies were available in the Vaddukodai area and they were sold very quickly. It was sold at Rs.1/50 per copy and people were willing to pay double to get a copy. It was the only source available to read ‘the other side of the story’

The electricity supply was cut off and there were no lights throughout Jaffna from 10th October until our departure on the 14th of November. Everybody rushed to buy batteries for their radios, but batteries were difficult to find. We were told that the LTTE were buying batteries in bulk. Further inquiries revealed that the batteries were used for land mines. Without good batteries, the BBC World Service and the BBC Tamil Osai were hard to receive. News carried by people living in the immediate environs of Jaffna town was the only source of information available as to what was going on inside Jaffna. We heard frightening stories about killings in Jaffna. We approached the LTTE sentries for confirmation of some of the information that we had received, but they refused to comment. ‘The situation is bad and explosive. The Indians have betrayed us. They are killing civilians and they are firing motor shells indiscriminately into the civilian population constantly from the Fort and other military camps’, they remarked.

Tamilnation

The Satanic Force

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Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi_ An_inside job

Remembering Lt Col.Thileepan, Colonel Sankar ! #india #IPKF #Thileepan #TamilEelam #Srilanka #genocide #Tamil #Eelam #TamilGenocide #ltte #lka #Maaveerar

Rasaiah Parthipan -Lt.Col.ThileepanRemembering Lt Col.Thileepan

“…Our Liberation struggle has achieved tremendous victories at great cost. All these achievements were victories which our movement earned in the course of our armed struggle. But my dear comrade Thileepan’s death is different from everything else ; it is something to be pondered over because it is something qualitatively different…. My dear people, for whom did Thileepan die? Why did he die? What is the significance of his death? Thileepan died for the Tamil people. He died for the rights of the Tamil people. He died to safeguard our freedom and our honour…. A life is very, very precious. I am quite aware of that. But even more precious is our freedom, our honour, our rights…”

Velupillai Pirabakaran







Vaithilingam Sornalingam B.Sc. – Colonel ShankarAir wing of ltte commander Colonel Shankar

“Provocatively, Col. Shankar’s killing occurred on the anniversary of the death during hunger strike of Lt. Col Thileepan, a day of profound sadness amongst the Tamil people. The LTTE leadership shares the Tamil people’s outrage and treats the killing of a senior leader with utmost gravity…The attack on Col Shankar and the date chosen for it highlights the Sri Lankan government’s ongoing determination to seek the military option in solving the Tamil national question…” LTTE condemns assassination of Shankar, 26 September 2001

“Shankar was the founder-commander of the LTTE’s marine division, “Kadal Puligal” (Sea Tigers). He pioneered and developed the LTTE’s undersea attack unit, which consists of well-trained frogmen. Shankar also established and developed the LTTE’s anti-aircraft unit, which has downed a large number of planes and helicopters with its anti-aircraft artillery and surface-to-air missiles. Shankar was involved in the planning and execution of the recent LTTE attack on the Katunayake Air Force base. He was perhaps Pirabaharan’s closest confidant… Vaithilingam Sornalingam





Thileepan, Hunger and Remembrance Why Do We Starve?

by Brannavy Jeyasundaram, Tamil Guardian, London, September 26, 2018

Starvation occurs in three phases. First, the body halts consumption of glucose, its primary energy source. Then, it scrapes away at fat deposits. Once those are depleted, it finally cannibalizes muscle mass to feed the brain. The body enters a delicate balancing act, substituting glucose for fat and eventually protein, until organ function is affected and results in death. The ultimate cause of death, in general, is cardiac arrest or the stopping of the heart. At its core, starvation is a process of desperate sacrifice.

There is a long tradition of using starvation as a form of political resistance, most notably attributed to Gandhi’s hunger strikes in protest of the British occupation of India. We praise such acts of deprivation for its heroic spirit: the acceptance of voluntary suffering and rejection of violence to plead to the oppressor’s hypothetical conscience.

It was Gandhi who inspired Lt. Col. Thileepan, former political wing leader of the Liberation Tigers (LTTE), to engage in hunger strike. He died after eleven days of refusing food and most remarkably, water, to appeal to the Indian government to honour pledges made to the Tamil people.

Today marks the thirty-first anniversary of his death. His demands are still tragically relevant:

  1. All Tamils detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act should be released.

  2. The colonisation of Sinhalese in Tamil areas under the guise of rehabilitation should be stopped.

  3. All such rehabilitation should be stopped until an interim government is formed.

  4. The Sri Lankan government should stop opening new police stations and camps in the North Eastern province.

  5. The Sri Lankan army and police should withdraw from schools in Tamil villages and the weapons given by the Sri Lankan government to ‘homeguards’ should be withdrawn under the supervision of the Indian army.

On the first day of Thileepan’s hunger strike, September 15, 1987, one hundred thousand people gathered at the Nallur Kandwaswamy Temple in Jaffna to hear him speak. His speech mobilised the Tamil nation, inspiring great solidarity and desperate cries for action. There was an immense power in seeing a 23-year old man willingly and willfully starve himself. Before losing his ability to speak, he is remembered to have last said: “I am confident that our people will, one day, achieve their freedom. It gives me great satisfaction and contentment that I am fulfilling a national responsibility to the nation.”

Born Rasiah Pratheepan in 1963, Thileepan was from Urelu, near Urumpirai in the Jaffna District. He was the fourth son of his father a Tamil school teacher and mother who died three months after he was born.

He completed his higher education at Jaffna Hindu College, and despite earning a spot at the medical faculty of Jaffna University, he swiftly joined the LTTE instead. His decision was made at age 10, after witnessing the violent assault of ten Tamil youth by Sinhala policemen at the World Tamil Research Conference in Jaffna in 1974. It was upon joining the LTTE that he took up the name Thileepan.

Thileepan’s death on September 26, 1987 sparked widespread grief across the Tamil homeland. It was firmly believed that timely intervention from India would have saved him, igniting outrage towards India and the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). Black flags draped the Jaffna district, hanging from roads, houses, churches, temples, trees and public buildings. Thousands of sobbing mourners attended his “martyr’s funeral”, chasing the decorated van carrying his body. As per his last wish, his body was donated to the medical faculty of Jaffna University.

A memorial built the year after his death marked the very place that Thileepan began his hunger strike at the Nallur Kandwaswamy Temple. A pale blue tower stretched into the sky holding his portrait surrounded by red and yellow flags. The memorial was destroyed by the Sri Lankan army after their capture of Jaffna in 1996. It was rebuilt in 2003 during the ceasefire period, and destroyed again by the army in 2006. In 2007, it was razed by a group of armed men, and once again in 2010, leaving nothing behind.

This year, Jaffna’s Municipal Council has successfully restored the barrier that surrounded Thileepan’s memorial, with the intention of restoring the tower to its original glory. In the restoration process, Sri Lankan military intelligence threatened workers with detainment and forcibly removed the banner erected at the site upon completion. In spite of this harassment, Tamils across the North-East have held public events remembering Thileepan.

In remembrance there is powerful resistance. For Tamils in Sri Lanka, where LTTE grave sites are demolished and built over, remembrance is a means of survival. It is an active attempt at grounding a reality that is persistently denied. It is also why despite government threats of detainment and repeated destruction, commemoration will continue.

On this day, thirty-one years ago, Lt. Col. Thileepan died from starvation.The first of his five demands was that “all Tamils detained under the Prevention of Terrorism Act should be released.” On September 14, less than two weeks ago, eight political prisoners at Anuradhapura prison launched a hunger strike demanding their release. Four of them have since been admitted to the hospital. On September 23, protestors in Jaffna gathered outside a bus station in solidarity.

Despite a lapse of three decades, Tamil people are still protesting the same injustices and resorting to hunger strikes to bring attention to their mistreatment. Our prolonged starvation invites the pained question, will we ever be full? According to Thileepan, eight political prisoners and protestors, one day, we will.

Today marks 33 years since the death of Lt Col Thileepan, a political wing leader of the LTTE who fasted to death, in a protest appealing to the Indian government to honour pledges made to the Tamil people.

Thileepan began his fast on the September 15, 1987, with 100,000 people gathered around the historic Nallur Kandwaswamy Temple in Jaffna.

On September 13, 1987, Thileepan put forward five demands  to the Indian government following the signing of the Indo-Lanka accord in July 1987:

Three decades on, Tamils continue to call for the demands made by Thileepan.

See a video of his famous speech below.

Inspired by Mahatma Gandhi, Thileepan began his non-violent resistance after the Indian government failed to acknowledge the demands he put forward. On September 22, 1987, then Indian High Commissioner J N Dixit arrived in Sri Lanka, however did not meet with Thileepan nor did he address the five demands.

See an eye witness account of his protest written by Adele Balasingham here.

Thileepan addressing the thousands who had come to witness his protest in Jaffna.

He passed away after refusing food and water for 11 days. His death sparked widespread grief across the Tamil homeland, with black flags hoisted and thousands of grieving mourners attending his funeral. As per his last wish, Thileepan’s body was donated to the medical faculty of Jaffna University. In Tamil, Thileepan’s name is preceded with the honorific thiyaga theepam – light of sacrifice.

As Jaffna’s political wing leader, Thileepan was a popular figure in the Tamil community and was already renowned for his courage in combat. The LTTE had named a series of medical centres, located both in government and LTTE-held areas, after him. The Thileepan hospital in Neduntheevu was one such centre, and had provided free medical treatment to 12,627 patients in its first year of service in 2003.

Thileepan with LTTE leader Prabhakaran during his hunger strike.

Born Rasiah Partheepan, in 1964 as the fourth son of a school teacher in Urelu, a hamlet of Urumpirai in the Jaffna District, he took up the name Thileepan when he joined the LTTE.

His motivation for joining the Tamil freedom struggle was prompted at the age of ten by the deaths of ten youths in a violent assault by Sinhala policemen on the World Tamil Research Conference held in Jaffna in 1974.

The exact spot in Nallur where Thileepan began his strike was the site of a memorial built the year after his death. The tower was destroyed by the Sri Lankan army after they captured Jaffna in 1996. Despite being reconstructed during the ceasefire period, the memorial was destroyed again in 2007. The remnants of the tower were once again demolished further in 2012.

The original memorial

The memorial in its current state

In the years following his strike, Lt Col Thileepans’s death continued to be widely marked across the North-East and throughout the diaspora. However, this year, Sri Lankan security forces have intensified their crackdown on remembrances. While they have always intimidated and harassed Tamils for attempting to commemorate those who lost their lives during the struggle, the Sri Lankan security forces have ramped up their crackdown on events planned to commemorate Lt Col Thileepan.

Yesterday, Point Pedro Magistrate Court banned a hunger strike organised by Tamil political parties in protest over the ban on commemorating the anniversary of Lt Col Thileepan’s fast unto death.

Last week, the Sri Lankan police blocked an event that was to be held in Vavuniya and arrested M K Shivajilingham, a former northern provincial council member, as he attempted to pay tribute to Thileepan in Nallur. Security forces also reportedly destroyed arrangements made for the remembrance in the early hours of September 15, which marks the beginning of the week-long commemoration.

Numerous commemoration events usually take place throughout the North-East, with current TNA leader R Sampanthan saying in 2002,

“The sacrifices made by LTTE leader Thileepan, other combatants and Tamil people have laid a strong foundation for the present peace talks. This fact should not be forgotten by anyone… Any political solution to the Tamil national question must recognize the sacrifices made by the Tamil combatants and the non-combatant Tamil civilians to our struggle.”

In 2004, the President of the Jaffna Muslims Peace Consortium, Al Aleem Marleen also praised the LTTE political leader, stating,

“Col.Kittu, Lt.Col.Thileepan and several others from Jaffna worked together with Muslim people in Jaffna and sacrificed their lives for the benefit of all Tamil speaking people.”

See also, the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord and the LTTE’s response to it.

Although Thileepan’s sacrifice took place three decades ago and the armed conflict ended over ten years ago, the demands Thileepan put forward remain unfulfilled and the issues faced by Tamils in the North and East remains the same. The PTA which has disproportinately targeted Tamils, is still in effect today, the colonisation of traditionally Tamil areas has intensified under the guise of ‘archaeology’ and the North and East remains heavily militarised.

Role of Malayalees in the Eelam Massacre ! #malayalam #malayali #malayalee #kerala #PrabhakaranIsTamilsIdentity #Mamooty #dulquersalmaan #ltte #Tamil #Eelam #Traitors #TNAMedia #Genocide @dulQuer #VaraneAvashyamund

The most important reason for tigers were destroyed in 2009 war and 1,75,000 tamilians were killed in eelam massacre. The main reason for those help is malayali. At that time,

India’s defence minister a. K. Anthony is a malayali.
Security Secretary M. K. Narayanan is a malayali.
Foreign Secretary Siva Shankar Menon is a malayali.
Kristi Fernandez was secretary to president pradeep bottle was a malayali.
He was the chief secretary in the Prime Minister’s office. K. Nair is a malayali.
In The Prime Minister’s office, gopalakrishnan is a malayali.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi’s Secretary Vincent George is a malayali.
Central Cabinet Secretary K. M. Chandrasekhar is a malayali.
C was home secretary. K. The child is a malayali.
Foreign Secretary Nirupama Menon Rao is malayali.
Secretary of information technology b. K. Thomas is a malayali.
Secretary of agriculture and joint department nandha kumar is a malayali.
A Malayali who believes in Civil Aviation Department Secretary Madhavan.
News Broadcasting Department Secretary Ragumenon is a malayali.
Urban Development Department Secretary Ramachandran is a malayali.
Textile Secretary Rita Menon is a malayali.
Animal Care Department Secretary Ganga Dharan is a malayali.
Drinking Water Supply Secretary Santa Sheila Nair is a malayali.
Secretary of law secretary viswanathan is a malayali.
Central Government Secretary, 19 of 53 of 53 are malayali.

That means the malayali who did not even get even 3 % of the country’s population were 33 % in central secondary power!

(two of these people went from the data of Tamil Nadu) This is to go I. N. Vijay is a malayali who believes in the SPECIAL AMBASSADOR OF GENERAL SECRETARY. His brother satish nambi is a high officer in the Indian Army. In 2007, India planned to conduct war in Sri Lanka, two malayali in 3 Shiva Shankar Menon, m. K. The Secret Group was formed with the security Secretary Vijay Singh along with narayanan and them. This group joined together with the three group of Rajapaksa (Basil, kothabaya, lalit veera dunga) and led the war against Tamils in Sri Lanka.

That means this secret group of India is the one who fought war against Tamils through sinhalese. At that time only malayali who control India. These two groups in 2007-2009 ALSO CONDUCTED 8 Direct appointments. During the war, the three group of rajapaksa has come to India 5 times. Indian three team has visited Sri Lanka 3 times. Even though there were telecommunication, there were direct meetings. It all happened confidential. Let us see if this group planned this and drowned eelam struggle in blood pressure.

2008 Sark (SAARC) Conference was organized in Sri Lanka to show the world that there is somewhat pleasant situation in Sri Lanka. Till Imma conducted a moderate war till imma country, then they planned to destroy the cruel war with genocide in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. (I mean, war happened in international rules using prohibited weapons after the end of the shark conference). Pa in 2004 J. The group has promised to do all the army help according to the ka government – Sri Lanka free trade agreement. In 2007, five m for Sri Lanka The Indian air force who secretly gave I-17 types of helicopters, asked to use the Sri Lankan symbol. But next was the Indian Navy. It was beyond Indonesia, he showed up to Australia and gave information to Sri Lanka through sea ways to Sri Lanka. As the leadership of ramanathapuram district in Tamil Nadu, the sea which sticking the control area of the tigers, their movement, through the powerful radar and patrol ships were observed and informed to Sri Lanka immediately. In the next time, ten ships were drowned. In 2006 when the biggest war ship of Tigers was drowned, the tigers had guessed that India’s part in this. At the beginning of 2007 Tigers understood when three ships of tigers were discovered and drowned.

The Tigers who attacked the Sri Lankan Navy camp in jaffna were attacked and destroyed by the powerful radar tower and communication office provided by India. Sea Tigers that killed 7 Soldiers, 2 Air resistant guns, 2 Machine Gun, an rpg launcher, capturing eight rifles. After this, the Indian Navy got into the field. Now Tigers seek the help of Tamil Nadu. They contacted kanimozhi, leaving the central government’s alliance and asked to end Congress government. But came telugu karunanidhi did not do anything like that. He stopped using police for eelam support protests and the help sent by the people of Tamil Nadu. At that time, karunanidhi begged the chief minister to know about tamilnadu state, karunanidhi begged to eradicate tigers somehow.

[Proof Book: Choices: inside the making of India’s foreign policy – shivshankar menon] The event of Siva Shankar Menon was angry to buy some help of Pakistan and China even if india helped pakistan and China. At the beginning of Rajapaksa, air protection devices, artillery guns, unmanned spy flights (Nishant), laser devices were sent. In 2008, the Indian Navy’s support and joint patrol works were drowned in the 10,000 tons of military logistics in the same year, and the tigers have no ships or boat, so that the tigers of the tigers are not present. Commander of the navy karannagoda announced. It is necessary to be noticed here that there is no war ship that belongs to Sri Lanka.

Sri Lanka destroyed the three express boats which was sent by India in the name of the sri lanka navy and a missile fitted ship which is stronger than the Sri Lanka Navy. It was also used for the most modern sea patrol film given during vajpayee period. Shark Conference 2008 August with strong security in Colombo city. This security is given by Indian Army to Sri Lanka. The Indian team who went to the conference met ponseka Sri Lankan Army Commander Ponsega, Navy Commander, karanagoda and discussed about army projects.

It was predicted that 2 lakh lives would go and approved to the last phase attack. After that, people died in a horrific attack. At that time, when the ambassador for Britain’s Sri Lanka had announced that the status of India was sure to destroy the tigers and India did not want war stop the Indian government.

In the last time, when he promised, Tiger God, Ramesh, Ramesh, Ramesh, and when they came with the white flag came with the white flag, they killed them. I am a special ambassador vijay nambi. After the war, Siva Shankar Menon praised that ponseka is the best commander in the world. India gave 100 crore reward to Sri Lanka. In 2009, eelam genocide conducted by international forces live and most of the participation of the mountain people.

ஈழப் படுகொலையில் மலையாளிகளின் பங்கும் இந்தியாவின் வகிபாகமும் M.M.Nilamdeen –google translated–

AN INSIDE JOB: Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi

“For twenty-three years a myth has been perpetuated that former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated by the LTTE because it feared his triumphant return to power at the conclusion of the 1991 general electrons, underway, when Rajiv, out of power was assassinated on 21 May 1991. But if this basic premise is knocked off and the alternate scenario is shown that the Congress which returned to power in 1991 even after Rajiv’s assassination considerably short of a simple majority, had no chance of returning to power, had Rajiv not been sacrificed thus, then the entire bottom of this myth is knocked off and the whole theory falls flat on its nose. This is the premise on which everyone starting from CBI-SIT to the Supreme Court and numerous analysts and theorists have built their castles of conspiracy. This book is also about conspiracies and intrigue, but it has attempted to explode this myth and seeks to find why Rajiv was killed if he was not likely to return to power in the 1991 mid-term elections?”

Besides the known facts about the assassination, Mr. Ahmad makes some fascinating points. An interesting point: “The tide of Mandal (Commission) and (Ram) Mandir seemed too strong to turn away without a great sacrifice and perhaps they (the Indian political establishment) calculate that only Rajiv’s sacrifice could turn the tide in favour of the Congress, which it actually did. In that sense, Rajiv was a great martyr, perhaps unknowingly, to the cause of Brahminism.” Another good point is that the author compares the assassination with the killing of Western tourists in Kashmir in 1995. –Iniyavan Rathinam Sep 14, 2014

About the Author
Ahmad Faraz (Urdu: , born Syed Ahmad Shah (Urdu: ) on 12 January 1931[1] in Kohat,[2][3] died 25 August 2008) was a Pakistani Urdu poet. He was acclaimed one of the modern Urdu poets of the last century. ‘Faraz’ is his pen name, (in Urdu takhalus). He died in Islamabad on 25 August 2008.[4][5] He was awarded Hilal-e-Imtiaz, Sitara-i-Imtiaz and after his death Hilal-e-Pakistan by the government.[3]

by Faraz Ahmad (Author)

Sample book Assassination of Rajiv Gandhi_ An_inside job

Full book below

https://www.amazon.in/Assassination-Rajiv-Gandhi-Inside-Job/dp/9382711473

Rajiv Gandhi’s War Crimes

The Satanic Force - Story about the heinous crimes of indian peace keeping Force in Sri Lanka - IPKFIndia & the Struggle for Tamil Eelam

நெற்றிக்கண் திறப்பினும் குற்றம் குற்றமே…உண்மைகள் ஒருபோதும் உறங்குவதில்லை, உறங்கவும் கூடா… Truth never sleeps – and it should not…

The Indian Army Launches Attack

This account was written by a Tamil resident in London, who visited his homeland for the first time after five years and details the happenings in Jaffna during the period 12 September 1987 to 14 November 1987

Trip by train from Colombo to Jaffna

This article is written on the basis of what I saw and heard during my visit to Sri Lanka from 12 September to 14 November 1987. My visit, along with my family, was hurriedly planned to take advantage of the ‘peace’ in Sri Lanka, immediately following the signing of the Agreement between Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi and President J.R. Jayawardene on the 29th of July 1987. My family and I wished to see our parents and our friends back at home.

I landed in Colombo on the 12th of September 1987, clutching in my hands the popular Sri Lankan dailies, ‘The Sun’, ‘The Island’ and the ‘Daily News’. They were full of news about the Indo – Sri Lanka Accord. They were fulsome in their commendations to Rajiv Gandhi and J.R. Jayawardene. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam were also give prominent treatment

From Colombo, we travelled by train to Jaffna. We were told that the direct trip to Jaffna by train was only made possible after the Accord and that even now, the full journey to Kankesanturai (the usual last stop of the Jaffna train) was not possible because of damage to the railway lines between Jaffna and KKS The train was packed and I found a good number of public servants returning to Jaffna for the week end to visit their families.

Everything looked new and different to me after five long years since my last visit. However, I managed to locate a few persons from my village, whom I knew and through them I was introduced to others in the carriage. Some of them said that we were the lucky ones, because we could afford a home abroad away from all the miseries in the Island. When questioned about the situation in Jaffna, they came out with their experiences of unspeakable horror and their feelings of sudden relief immediately after the signing of the Accord. They spoke about ‘Operation Liberation’ of the 26th of May, and ‘Operation Poomalai’ of the 4th of June and the courageous and dedicated stand taken by the LTTE to preserve their heritage. But when asked whether the Accord would work, some sighed and gave a smile; some said, ‘well’; a few said ‘no comments’; one or two said, ‘they will make it work whether we like it or not’; and others said ‘enough is enough, let us not talk of the past’. None of them were sure of the future.

Jaffna was peaceful when I arrived. As usual, the station was noisy but with one difference – and that was my first sight of the Indian Army (the Indian Peace Keeping Force – IPKF) carrying SLRs and AK47 machine guns. As we moved away from the Jaffna railway station towards Vaddukoddai we saw more and more Indian troops carrying weapons at main cross roads, inside the Bank of Ceylon premises opposite the Jaffna Provincial Hospital, opposite Sivan Kovil near Vannarponnai and so on. But I noticed that there were practically no troops outside the Jaffna Municipality limits.ipkf7

Indian troops carrying TV and Video sets

After arriving at home, I used to visit Jaffna town daily to meet my friends and relations. The town was crowded with shoppers, pedestrians and cyclists. If one had to move about, the cheapest mode of transport was the minibus or else, cycling which had no cost associated with it. There was also a noticeable number of brand new Japanese cars on the roads. These cars, I was told, emerged only after the Accord. The shops were crowded. Here and there, I saw Indian soldiers carrying TV and Video sets on their shoulders to their parked trucks and jeeps. I was told that those who sell electrical goods were thriving in their business because of the presence of the IPKF.

I noticed the frequent use of the terms ‘development’ and ‘rebuilding’ in discussions amongst NGOs, academics, political activists, students, religious circles, business people and others – development and rebuilding of schools, industries, housing, transport, tourism, towns and cities. There was a noticeable optimism among most people in Jaffna following the signing of the Accord. There was a lull in the terror and violence which had reigned over the North and East for previous four years.

Everyday, the newspapers carried sensational investment proposals for the North and East. There was news of foreign missions visiting the North and East and promising aid in millions of rupees. I heard local development planners talking seriously of building a new town in Nallur, a new city in Vadamaratchi, a modern capital for the Tamils in Trincomalee, and a highway from Point Pedro to Trincomalee by the coastline. Money was promised for every thing from orphanages to building new cities; from rehabilitation to resettlement.

Thileepan’s fast

However reports reaching Jaffna indicated that the East was not fully free from unrest. There were reports of arrests, torture and killing by the Sri Lankan Security Forces But, things were going relatively smoothly until the 15th of September, when it was announced that the LTTE leader of the political wing in Jaffna, Thileepan, had commenced a fast unto death campaign at 9.30 a.m. in front of the historic Nallur Murugan Temple in protest against

the failure to effectively implement the promises in the Accord;
the accelerated state aided Sinhala colonisation in the Eastern Province;
the continued detention of Tamil prisoners under the Prevention of Terrorism Act;
the failure of the Home Guards to surrender their arms;
the failure to close army and police camps situated in Tamil areas; and
the delay in setting up an interim administration for the North and East.

Hartals and peaceful protests

The fast picked up momentum day by day and it became the issue in everybody’s mind as the days passed by. We received reports that more and more people were joining the fast. One lady teacher named Subashanthini Rajasundaram started her fast in support of Thileepan’s protest, sitting next to him on the 17th of September and I was informed that five others had joined the fast at Valvettiturai junction on the 18th of September and so on. I later received reports that such fasts had been spreading in the mainland as well – in places like Chavakacheri, Mullaitivu, Batticaloa, and Trincomalee.

There were hartals and protest marches organised by the LTTE. The schools and colleges were closed and students organised marches to Nallur and picketed the Indian military camps. During the hartal all shops were closed and the public was encouraged to attend pickets and rallies. I saw thousands of men, women and children joining pickets and rallies. All forms of transport, cars, vans, cycles, mini buses, government buses, bullock carts, scooters and motor cycles were used to move people around.

All the Tamil dailies in the North began to highlight the fast and associated events. Surprisingly, the media in the South (of Sri Lanka) was silent on the whole issue – the dailies did not carry the news and the TV and radio blacked out the fast and the protest movement. However in the North, everybody tried to see LTTE’s TV transmission named Nitharshan which gave a day by day account of the events. As days passed by, the deterioration in Thileepan’s health caught the headlines of the Tamil dailies. Coloured posters began to appear in all the villages. Loudspeaker fitted cars and vans were seen in villages making announcements on the fast and asking public to picket IPKF camps and appeal for justice.

I was informed that there had been a skirmish on the 16th of September between the public and the IPKF at Neervelli when a jeep carrying IPKF personnel had been carelessly driven at a picket line – and two women had been knocked down. The public gathered and surrounded the jeep and assaulted the IPKF officers. Three of them were tied up and thrown to the road. They were later released when a higher ranking officer intervened and gave an assurance that an inquiry would be held. On the same day, people who went to picket outside the old Dutch Fort military camp, had entered the recently opened Pannai Police Station in Jaffna, ransacked the whole place, and tore off the uniforms of the Police Officers. The police station was forcibly shut and the police officers took refuge in the Fort military camp I felt the tension mounting day by day.

Thileepan dies and thousands grieve

thileep.jpg (12669 bytes)The Citizen Committees, trade unions, students unions, teachers associations, religious leaders, all held meetings and discussed the issues relating to Thileepan’s fast and passed resolutions and submitted memoranda to the overall commander of the IPKF, Lt. General Depinder Singh requesting the Indian representatives to intervene and stop the fast and initiate immediate efforts to set up the interim administration in the North and East. But nothing moved fast enough to stop Thileepan’s death. Thileepan died on the 26th of September 1987. There was widespread grief in the North. There can be little doubt that Thileepan’s martyrdom had a profound effect on every Tamil soul in Sri Lanka. Thousands of people from the North and East poured into Jaffna as the news of his death spread.

But no violent reaction at funeral

Judging by past events, everyone expected a violent reaction in the North and East, following Thileepan’s death, but to everybody’s surprise the funeral turned into a peaceful day of mourning. The LTTE members moved in decisively to curb any kind of violence. They moved all state owned buses into depots and guarded them. They also provided cover to government institutions after some attempts had been made to set fire to them. The Tamil daily Eelamurasu as well as the TV Nitharshan carried the LTTE leader, Prabakharan’s appealed to the people not to destroy or damage public property, as this was the property of Tamil Eelam. Black flags were seen everywhere – on the roads, in houses, churches, temples, trees, public buildings and so on Thousands of sobbing men, women and children followed the body covered with the red flag of the Tigers with their emblem on it. Thileepan’s body was taken on a decorated van through the villages for the people to pay their homage and finally taken to Suthumalai where it was kept for the people to pay their last respects. I was later informed that his body was donated to the medical faculty of Jaffna University. The LTTE said that this had been his last wish.

Thileepan’s death brought sadness and sorrow and also fear to many people. Most of them had genuinely believed that the Indians would intervene and stop the disaster. They began to have doubts about India’s conduct. They began to say ‘this could have been avoided’ and ‘India should have moved fast’ and ‘India should not have let this happen’ and so on. The Tamil dailies began to carry articles criticising the handling of the whole issue by the Indians. I could feel the tension mounting.

Kumarappa and Pulendran arrested by Sri Lanka Navy

Following the death of Thileepan all other fasts were called off. But on the 3rd of October came the event which was destined to trigger off the final collapse of the Indo Sri Lanka Accord. The Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation and the Tamil and English dailies announced the headline news: two LTTE leaders, Kumarappa and Pulendran along with 12 others had been arrested by the Sri Lankan Navy and they were being held in the Army camp at Pallali. Panic struck Jaffna. There were rumours that the arrested leaders were severely tortured by the Sri Lankan security forces and that President Jayawardene had ordered their removal to Colombo for further interrogation.

The Tamil dailies carried head lines stating that the Indian military officers and high officials of the Indian High Commission had recommended the release of the captives but that this had been over ruled by the Sri Lankan government. I saw messages appearing on the LTTE’s giant blackboards at cross roads. There were reports that negotiations were underway for the release of the two leaders and the others who had been captured. This issue became the talk of the town. There was a big demand for Eelamurasu, the Tamil daily that was published by the LTTE in Jaffna From that which appeared in the Tamil dailies, I gathered that much discussion and behind the scene political moves were taking place daily for the release of the captives.

Arrested LTTE leaders take cyanide and die

But, suddenly, on the 5th of October, there was an announcement from local loud speaker carriers that all the captives, including the two leaders had taken cyanide and killed themselves. This according to the announcement, was to avoid torture and removal to Colombo. There was noticeable panic everywhere. I saw black flags coming up again and people standing at their gates to listen to the latest news from passers by. I saw the tension mounting and I felt a sharp deterioration in the overall situation in the peninsula.

Indian Army attacks

On October 10th, while I was on my way to Jaffna town, I was told that the IPKF had gone and blasted the premises of ‘Eelamurasu’ and damaged the buildings of ‘Murasoli’ and arrested all the employees. These attacks were reported to have taken place at 1a.m. and 6 a.m. respectively. And at 6a.m., LTTE’s TV station at Kopay was damaged by the IPKF and the equipment and machinery was removed. These actions by the IPKF were seen as unwarranted and they led to the LTTE taking up arms again.

As I neared Jaffna town, I saw vehicles carrying bands of young men in and out of the town. It was exactly 12.55 p.m. on the 10th of October that the bloody war started near Jaffna Central College. There was heavy firing which continued at least for about 40 to 45 minutes. Jaffna town was heavily crowded with people and all were taken by surprise, not knowing what was going on and which direction to flee. Mini vans packed with people fled from the main bus stand. Cyclists rolled one top of another, desperately trying to get onto the road. Pedestrians took to their heels and ran wildly in all directions. There was total pandemonium. I managed to get behind a crowd fleeing north and finally reached Vannarponnai, a village in the outskirts of Jaffna town. From there, I wasted no time in getting back home before the violence spread.

The next day I decided to get back to Jaffna to see what had happened. I did not know that a curfew had been declared. Like me, there were several others who were cycling together from Vaddukodai to go to Jaffna town. Everything looked normal. There were people on the road and here and there we saw vehicles moving on the road. Nothing seemed different until we reached Oddumadam which is small village on the outskirts of Jaffna town. We were stopped by young Tigers and some other people living in Oddumadam and asked to get back home. We heard loud explosions coming from the direction of the town. According to those who stopped us, there was continuous shelling from the Dutch Fort by the Indian Army ‘They are blowing up the town’ said the old folks. ‘You can’t go in now’ said the Tigers, all carrying weapons in their hands. We saw a helicopter which appeared to be coming from Karainagar. We ran into a nearby house and after the helicopter disappeared we were asked to return home immediately. We took no chances. We returned home

There was no news about the incidents in Jaffna except that which said in the Sri Lankan government’s news bulletins relayed by the SLBC, the newscast on All India Radio and the Manila Cheithigal (the Regional News) from India. But, the Tigers continued to release ‘Eelamurasu’ which came in a single sheet, and it was hard to obtain. Only a few copies were available in the Vaddukodai area and they were sold very quickly. It was sold at Rs.1/50 per copy and people were willing to pay double to get a copy. It was the only source available to read ‘the other side of the story’

The electricity supply was cut off and there were no lights throughout Jaffna from 10th October until our departure on the 14th of November. Everybody rushed to buy batteries for their radios, but batteries were difficult to find. We were told that the LTTE were buying batteries in bulk. Further inquiries revealed that the batteries were used for land mines. Without good batteries, the BBC World Service and the BBC Tamil Osai were hard to receive. News carried by people living in the immediate environs of Jaffna town was the only source of information available as to what was going on inside Jaffna. We heard frightening stories about killings in Jaffna. We approached the LTTE sentries for confirmation of some of the information that we had received, but they refused to comment. ‘The situation is bad and explosive. The Indians have betrayed us. They are killing civilians and they are firing motor shells indiscriminately into the civilian population constantly from the Fort and other military camps’, they remarked.

Tamilnation

The Satanic Force

http://ebook.yarl.com/

Tamil Nadu activist urges attention of global Tamils on ‘Red Sanders Massacre’

aandra killed tamilsTamil Nadu activist urges attention of global Tamils on ‘Red Sanders Massacre’[TamiNet]

The poverty-stricken Tamils in the border areas situated between Tamil Nadu State and Andhra Pradesh State in India are being systematically exploited by smuggling rackets run by gangs from two upper echelons that have been running fiefdoms in Andhra Pradesh in the past and that seek to control the political power in the State. The exploited victims are subjected to indefinite imprisonment and massacres deploying the rule of law in India and the police force in the AP, as it has been exposed in the recent massacre of 20 daily-wage workers on 07 April. The global Tamil community has a moral bound duty to protest against the exploitation as the crime involves the global markets in Eastern Asia, says writer, journalist and Tamil activist Aazhi Senthilnathan in an interview to TamilNet on Saturday. Full story >>

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Tamil Nadu researcher testifies to OISL on Indian complicity in genocide

srilanka india partners[TamilNet, Monday, 03 November 2014]
“While several actors including US, UK, China, UN involved in different ways in the conflict in Sri Lanka which led to genocide of Eelam Tamils, the actor most severely and the most consistently perplexed in the Sri Lankan war has been India,” says University of Bergen Research Fellow, Vijayshankar Asokan in a submission he sent on “Indian complicity in the genocide of Eezham Tamils” to OHCHR investigation on Sri Lanka. A native of Tamil Nadu and studying in Norway since 2008, Mr. Vijayshankar in his submission was extensively citing Mr. Ku. Ramakrishnan, General Secretary of Periyar Dravidar Kazhakam, Mr. Erik Solheim, the failed peace facilitator and various reports as well as statements.

“This present report intends to provide the collective information regarding the Indian collusion with Sri Lankan military regime throughout the thirty years of genocidal counter-insurgency warfare carried out against Eelam Tamil nation who struggled for the recovery of their ethnic homeland. Indian-Sri Lankan relationship had taken various forms, including: overt training by Indian military officials, bi-lateral military relationships, supply of sophisticated weaponry, intelligence support, black training by Indian mercenaries, the passing of anti-terror laws, dissolving International pressure during the war in 2008-2009, and propaganda in Indian media against Tamil nation. The cumulative outcome of those decisions is evident in Sri Lanka’s brutal action of genocide against Eelam Tamil nation,” Mr. Vijayshankar said in the submission.

The following were his conclusions:

Through various evidences presented here, it is evident India had criminal intent in executing genocide on Tamils and Tamil Home Land in the Island of Sri Lanka. This intent has taken the forms of aiding, abetting and/or being complicity. It can be summed up as follows.

  1. Prepared a conducive environment to initiate genocide. These preparations were offered both militarily and diplomatically. Military aids during the period of 2000-2007 to destruct LTTE Naval Vessels and diplomatic pressures to EU in 2005 to proscribe LTTE amounted to tilting power in favour of one party that is GoSL. By fortifying one party with all might, India helped GoSL to unleash genocide without any retaliation from LTTE and also subdued any diplomatic pressure arising out of public protests in EU.
  2. India had the capability to act to stop the genocide and was reluctant to act. This indicates its acceptance of killing Tamils. This act of not willing to prevent proves its intention.
  3. India also warded off those states who express concern on war crimes happening in the Island. By keeping them at bay, India played a crucial role to ensure genocide took place without any hindrance. Acts of diplomatic dissuading and deceiving by the Government of India, kept the international community out of the issue and it facilitated complete genocidal onslaught against Tamils.

Full text of the submission follows:

Bergen, Norway
30.10.2014

From,
Vijayshankar Asokan,
Research Student,
University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway

To,
OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka,
UNOG-OHCHE, 8-14, Rue de la Paix,
CH-1211, Geneva 10, Switzerland

Subject: Indian Complicity in genocide of Tamils in Sri Lanka

I am Vijayshankar Asokan (age 30), research student at The University of Bergen, Bergen, Norway. I am basically from Tamil Nadu, India staying in Norway since 2008. I was well aware about the facts that Norway brokered a peace process between Government of Sri Lanka and LTTE and my country India was involved in the Sri Lankan conflict for a long time. On the other side, I also witnessed and was captivated by the protests by diaspora Tamil youths in the streets of Norway every day in 2008-2009. As a Tamil from Tamil Nadu doing my PhD at The University of Bergen, I started to seriously do research on the part of India’s involvement in the genocidal war in against Eelam Tamils in Sri Lanka.

During the final phase of war in May, 2009, when the International community of establishments including India were maintaining their ‘silence’ and let the war to finish off with genocide, Dr. Francis A. Boyle (Professor, International Law, Illinois University, USA), issued a statement [1] on May 12, 2009 outlining the legal framework for a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) meeting to end the war in Sri Lanka between the army and Tamil fighters (LTTE). He was highly critical against the governments of India, USA, United Kingdom (UK) and France, for their inaction to call for an emergency UNSC meeting. Here are excerpts pertaining to India:

“India has an obligation to bring this matter to the attention of the Security Council under U.N. Charter Article 35 and to demand an immediate, emergency meeting of the Security Council under its Rule of Procedure No. 3 in order to terminate the GOSL’s genocide against the Tamils in Vanni. Failure by the Government of India to do so would only render India guilty of “complicity” in the GOSL’s genocide against the Tamils under Article III (e) of the 1948 Genocide Convention”.

Many legal experts and International human rights defenders expected India to act effectively in neutralize the situation and prevent the genocide happening at that time, however India had not responded to them, and acted in a way to ward off the International pressure. Answer for India’s role came out when Mahinda Rajapakse (Sri Lankan President) opined after the end of final war in Sri Lanka. On May 29, 2009, in his interview to Hindustan Times stated, “I fought India’s war’ [2], exposes the Indian complicity in genocidal war.

While several actors including US, UK, China, UN involved in different ways in the conflict in Sri Lanka which led to genocide of Eelam Tamils, the actor most severely and the most consistently perplexed in the Sri Lankan war has been India.

This present report intends to provide the collective information regarding the Indian collusion with Sri Lankan military regime throughout the thirty years of genocidal counter-insurgency warfare carried out against Eelam Tamil nation who struggled for the recovery of their ethnic homeland. Indian-Sri Lankan relationship had taken various forms, including: overt training by Indian military officials, bi-lateral military relationships, supply of sophisticated weaponry, intelligence support, black training by Indian mercenaries, the passing of anti-terror laws, dissolving International pressure during the war in 2008-2009, and propaganda in Indian media against Tamil nation. The cumulative outcome of those decisions is evident in Sri Lanka’s brutal action of genocide against Eelam Tamil nation.

I hereby further attach a testimony from Mr. Ku Ramakrishnan, General Secretary, Periyar Dravidar Kazhakam (PDK), Tamil Nadu, India, writes me a mail regarding his own experience witnessing India’s military assistance to Sri Lanka, which follows below:

“In 2007, I directly witnessed the military training for more than 10 Sri Lankan military personnel in Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) training college at Kurutampalayam, Coimbatore, Tamil Nadu, India. At that time, we together with many political parties in Tamil Nadu staged a protest against this. Then, they shifted the training camps to Bangalore, Karnataka, India. Later on, Indian government brought Sri Lankan air force officials to Sulur Air Force Base, Coimbatore, to provide training. After our protest against this, they moved the training camps to other states in India. After a few months gap, Sri Lankan military officials and personnel got training at The Defence Services Staff College (DSSC), Wellington, Tamil Nadu. Again after our protest, they moved on to another states. At Wellington, this scenario continued for three times. Even many political parties including PDK staged a mass protest against Naval training at Chennai. We also heard news about India’s supported with Radars and Intelligence network. On May 02, 2009, we came to know that nearly 82 heavy carrier vehicles carrying military arms and equipment from Andhra Pradesh via Coimbatore by Roadways to Cochin, Kerala and then by ship to Colombo. At Coimbatore, nearly 300 cadres from various political parties including PDK cadres blocked the vehicles. Angered Indian government filed case against all of us under National security Act and we were arrested” he states.

Further, Indian Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh (2004-2014) wrote a letter to Mr. Vaiko (General Secretary, Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhakam), ex-parliamentarian on October, 2008, acknowledged India’s military assistance to Sri Lanka, stating the reason, “to protect sovereignty and integrity of Sri Lanka” also holds a direct proof for Indian complicity.

In this report, I have considered many facts and documented reports in order to bring the evidence for the India’ complicity which follows below:

Indian complicity in Tamil genocide

In the 1980s, India’s crave for regional domination reflected in interventions in Sri Lanka. Model was designed to weaken Sri Lankan government and to impose New Delhi’s preferred policies.

In early 80’s Indira Gandhi led Indian government gave military training in Indian Territory and also provided economic support to Tamil militant groups including LTTE. However, Rajiv Gandhi after the assassination of Indira Gandhi took a more neutral stance on the issue and officially interrupted the military support for Sri Lankan Tamil rebels. Instead, India taken his inexperienced conflict management role and repeatedly attempted to mediate between the conflict parties in the 1980s. With the continuous failure in the mediation efforts due to incapability of Rajiv led government, and the escalation of violence in Sri Lanka ultimately forced India to abandon its temporary neutral stance.

In 1987, at first India pressurised Sri Lankan government, intervened by airlifting supplies to the Jaffna Peninsula in the North of the island and broke the blockade the Sri Lankan government had imposed there. Sri Lankan government started to cunningly accept India’s conflict‐management efforts and had secret meetings with Rajiv Gandhi in July 1987 which led to the signing of the Indo‐Sri Lanka Agreement (ISLA) and, shortly thereafter, India deployed its Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) in the North and the East of the island with the task of supervising the ceasefire and disarming the LTTE. IPKF’s Intervention was interpreted as “involvement” towards peaceful solution, but later on, diplomatic incapability of Indian government turned “peace” to war. In 1989, India withdrew its troops after facing the increasingly evident failure of the IPKF.

Following the assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi by a suicide bomber in Tamil Nadu in May 1991, New Delhi’s approach on one side, maintain a silence towards the conflict, but on the other side proceeded with increased economic support and holds a strong diplomatic relationship with Sri Lanka due to geopolitical interest lies in Indian Ocean.

BJP led government passed a resolution of “not selling” arms to Sri Lanka and made a decision of not providing military assistance even at the difficult situation in 2000 [3]. However, in contrast to what headlines of news rolled on, Indian Navy sold INS Sarayu, a Sukanya-class patrol vessel to Sri Lanka in the year 2000 (later named SLNS Sayura in Sri Lanka) [4]. In the midst of crisis situation in the war zone in the year 2000, on May 07, The Chief of the Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal A.Y. Tipnis, started a six-day visit to Sri Lanka [3]. It was reportedly said that he may assess the situation and suggest possible Indian response. All these sequences shows that the Indian government’s military policy and concern towards Sri Lanka fate.

Starting in 2000, Norway acted as a mediator between the LTTE and the Sri Lankan government. Eventually this mediation led to the signing of a ceasefire in 2002 and provided for the establishment of the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), composed of “Nordic” states charged with monitoring the ceasefire. In the context of its more co-operative regional policy under the Gujral Doctrine, the Indian government accepted the involvement of external actors in Sri Lankan affairs. Even then, India kept a watchful eye on the developments in Sri Lanka and was continuously kept informed by Norway about the latest developments in the peace process [5].

I got insight into the scenario about India’s involvement throughout the period of peace to war from the speech of Mr.Erik Solheim [6] at the panel discussion in Oslo when the Norwegian report “Pawns of peace” [7] released (November 2011). Here are the excerpts from his speech:

“………………………..We started the peace process on the part of Norway with the belief that this could be resolved in a few months time. The Indians told us please be patient. If you cannot be patient, go away, I mean, get out of South Asia, you will only complicate matters. This will take a decade at the minimum. So, we learnt to be patient and you need to be patient with a peace process.

India, throughout had a veto power over the peace process. Because the Tigers did not have access to India, Milinda and myself shuttled to Delhi. I don’t know how many times I have been at the Indian airport of New Delhi, meeting Indian intelligence and others and there was no major step in the peace process whatsoever was taken without informing India. Sometimes they gave tacit accept even if they may have disagreed. But, India was throughout informed. And the reason for that was very simple.

From Day 1, we took the view that India is by far the most important foreign influence in Sri Lanka. The United States is important. But, it is second to India. And even more so, for India, Sri Lanka is a core interest. For the United States, it is periphery interest. And the United States will never ever risk relationship with India for Sri Lanka. So, if India is on board, ultimately the United States will basically follow. Most important and even into the details, for instance, what nations should be acceptable in the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) – they [the Indians] gave us a list of nations that they would accept and we picked from that [smiling].

I was very – I have to say Very Close – to Indian Intelligence. I met them enormous amounts of time throughout this process. Never, ever did any Indian official hint that a military victory was possible until mid 2008. Then they started, I mean I observed the change in Mr. Narayan [M.K. Narayan, National security advisor, India, 2005-2010] and others, gradually shifting to the position that maybe – still may be that the government can wipe out the Tigers, militarily. Before that, no one thought it was possible. United States thought it was impossible; India thought it was impossible; Colombo thought it was impossible. So again, complete change from what we all based the peace process on, until that point….” Erik Solheim states.

From Erik’s point I got clear picture that without India nothing had been moved and India didn’t wanted strong and independent SLMM to function.

Further, I get more details when I start to read the Norwegian report “Pawns of peace” [7], in page 58-59:

“….More importantly, Indian opposition to the LTTE starts to translate into firmer backing for the Sri Lankan government. Faced with diverse interests (geo-political dominance, regional security, Tamil Nadu politics) the Indian government has persistently struck a balance between advocating Tamil rights while opposing separatism. Crushing the LTTE has become the overriding concern after the disasters of the Indo-Lankan Accord in 1987 and the subsequent LTTE assassination of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991. The return to power of the Indian National Congress (now headed by his widow Sonia Gandhi) in 2004 and declining influence of Sri Lanka on Tamil Nadu politics (see chapter 7) mean that there are fewer inhibitions on a military solution to the conflict. India thus continues to advocate for the accommodation of Tamil aspirations in Sri Lanka, but does not apply any pressure against the Rajapakse government in relation to the military option”

ICG report in 2011, “India and Sri Lanka after the LTTE” [8] further reflects the points in [5-6]. This gives me clarity to decide my points that India contributed politically and militarily to the break-down of the 2002 Ceasefire agreement, by distorting the balance of power in favour of the Sri Lankan government. Despite the truce, India continued to train, advise and equip the Sri Lankan military, police and intelligence agencies. Further, contrary to what India was projecting to our people about China’s involvement, the Norway report clears me that it was India that encouraged Sri Lanka to bring in China.

V. Surya Narayanan, a leading Indian analyst on Sri Lanka, in 2004 wrote [9]:

“A country of India’s size and resources should not merely assess the dangers emanating from a changing strategic environment. It should also zealously safeguard its autonomy in decision-making. New Delhi should develop the political will to pursue courses of action that promote India’s national interest. India should work with the objective of neutralising the Sea Tigers at the earliest opportunity”.

This article popped out during the peace process, can be understood as the policy the Indian government is either under preparation or at the moment of acting.

During 2006-2007, India had quietly transferred the Coast Guard Ships CGS Varaha and CGS Vigraha on an annually renewable contract [10]. CGS Varaha was operated as SLNS Sagara in Sri Lanka and CGS Vigraha renamed SLNS Sayurula. Varaha, was handed over to the Lankans, not in Chennai where the ship was actually based, but in Visakhapatnam, away from the media and public glare to avoid inflaming public sentiment in Tamil Nadu. The aim was to help the Lankan Navy conduct deep water operations, which have resulted in the destruction of nine such LTTE freighters in the years 2002-2007 and five had been sunk in 2007 alone [10]. In the September, 2007, in a span of 24 hours, Sri Lankan naval warship SLNS Sayura had tracked down three LTTE freighters laden with arms, including artillery shells, aircraft parts [10].

In addition to the supply of Coast guard ships, Indian Navy also provided real time intelligence to Sri Lankan Navy to track and then destroy the LTTE arms consignments [11]. For instance, the Indian Navy’s Dorniers based at Ramnad in Tamil Nadu, India, flew regular reconnaissance missions over the seas around Sri Lanka. These Dorniers aircraft fitted with high-powered radars scoured the area for ships with suspicious movement and cargo. Whenever such a ship was detected, the Indian Navy passed on the information to the Sri Lankans.

In early 2008, Sri Lankas’s Navy chief Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda praised the Indian Navy’s role [11-12]. He elaborates, “Co-operations with India has been extremely successful in countering the LTTE. Every year, the India Navy with the Indian Coast Guard and the Sri Lankan Navy holds four bilateral discussions. We are conducting co-ordinated patrols with the Indian Navy as well” [11].

In the November 2009, message was sent to Sri Lanka, “India wants warships it lent to Sri Lanka back” [13]. An Indian military senior officer who did not wish to express his identity publicly in Hindustan times 2009 stated that “They (The Indian Coast Guard) feel the Sri Lankan Navy doesn’t need the vessels, with the LTTE dead and gone.”

This statement itself holds a proof for the intention of Indian government providing warships to supporting the war on Eelam Tamil nation.

In 2006, India quietly gifted five Mi-17 helicopters to the Sri Lankan Air Force with the condition that these helicopters would fly only under Sri Lankan Air Force colours [11]. Nitin A. Gokhale, NDTV’s defence editor, in his book, “Sri Lanka – From War to Peace” [11] writes:

“Sri Lankan defence sources later told me that these helicopters played a major role in several daring missions launched by the Sri Lankan Air Force to rescue the Army’s Deep penetration units and the eight-man team whenever they were surrounded by LTTE’s counter-infiltration units or when injured soldiers had to be airlifted from deep inside LTTE held territory”.

On 09th May, 2009, in an interview to Times Now, Mr.Ranil Wickramasinghe – Leader of Opposition in 2009 and Ex – Prime Minister of Sri Lanka accepted India’s help to Sri Lanka to win the war against LTTE [14]. In his Interview he explains:

“In the security sphere, India and the developed countries gave us the assistance from the time I was prime minister. There were an embargos, but during the peace process they agree to come in with security co-operations, for instance, the destruction of LTTE ships would not have been possible without the help of India, US and some other countries. LTTE network abroad was also broken up. There have been training, there have been Intelligence co-operations, exchange of views and India did also provide radars for Air defence in Sri Lanka.

The Norwegian report “Pawns of peace”, in page 59:

“……..India nevertheless criticizes Norway in private meetings for being too ‘LTTE friendly’ and underlines the need to ‘put the LTTE in its place’. Concerned with the LTTE’s military build up, particularly at sea and even in the air, India provides vital radar and intelligence information to the Sri Lanka forces. Delhi maintains it will not provide offensive military assets – due to the political sensitivity of Indian weapons being used against Tamils – but off the record, it does not object to Sri Lanka purchasing weaponry elsewhere……”

The above statement further exposes the covert role India played in strengthening Sri Lanka army in order to weaken LTTE in accelerate the genocidal war.

Gotabaya Rajapakse (Defence Secretary, Sri Lanka) in his interview to “Indian defence review” [15] in 2010 further explains clearly about the India’s role in the war. Excerpts from “The Indian Factor” in his interview titled “Winning Wars: political will is the key – Defence Secretary” follows:

“President Rajapaksa decided that he would consciously go out of his way to keep New Delhi aligned to Colombo’s military objectives in its battle with the LTTE ………………………………. So President Rajapaksa ensured that he briefed the Indian leadership. We also ensured that our line communications were open at all times. From our side Basil Rajapaksa (Senior Advisor to the President and Member of Parliament), Lalith Weeratunga (Permanent Secretary to the President) and myself interacted extensively with MK Narayanan (former National Security Advisor, India and now Governor of West Bengal), Shiv Shankar Menon (former Foreign Secretary, India and now National Security Advisor) and Vijay Singh (former Defence Secretary and now Member, Union Public Service Commission). Between the six of us we had continuous dialogues. Whenever there was a sensitive issue, we met and discussed and resolved it. This helped the SLAF to continue its military operations absolutely unhindered.”

“A day before the Dravida Munnettra Kazhagam (DMK) supremo and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi went on a fast on April 27, 2009 at the Anna Memorial in Chennai protesting against the SLAF offensive against the LTTE, Menon called me on my cell phone at 4.30 pm. The Indian team wanted to visit Colombo for urgent talks. I went straight to the President’s office and got his sanction and called Menon back within five minutes. Within six hours of Karunanidhi going on fast we could defuse the crisis in Tamil Nadu by issuing a statement announcing the end of combat operations and shelling inside the ‘No Fire Zone’, which led to the Tamil Nadu Chief Minister ending his fast. This was a classic example of quiet, corrective diplomacy between two officially designated government teams.”

“The manner in which President Rajapaksa tackled India was a key factor of our military success……………………..We knew that while other countries could or would resort to economic sanctions, only India had the power to militarily influence the course of our war operations. So it is to the credit of President Rajapaksa that he was successful in keeping New Delhi aligned with Colombo’s military objectives.”

Satish Nambiar and Vijay Nambiar Duo:

On March 12, 2009, a meeting was conducted in UNHQ to discuss on ongoing conflict in Sri Lanka. It was attended by various heads of UN including Chef-de-Cabinet Vijay Nambiar. A report on civilian casualties in Vanni from Jan 20, 2009 to Mar 7, 2009, collected and compiled by OCHA with first-hand information was discussed primarily. OHCHR suggested releasing this report of number of civilian deaths. But Vijay Nambiar opposed the release and wrote an e-mail to OHCHR on Mar 12, 2009 and recommended her to tone down the numbers.

Quote: “I would strongly implore some dilution of tone and rigour in reference to numbers in your statement” (Charles Petrie Report, Page 67, Para 83)

This act of not revealing the death count is an intention to keep the international community away from the issue, thereby tacitly facilitating the killings of Tamils.

Vijay Nambiar served as Deputy National Security Advisor in India prior to joining UN as Chef-de-Cabinet [16]. He is younger brother of Satish Nambiar who as a consultant to GoSL advised dissolving the military capabilities of LTTE. Norwegian report “Pawns of Peace” talks about Satish Nambiar involvement in Sri Lanka as below (page 41):

“………..help is sought from Satish Nambiar, a retired Indian general, who drafts a revised plan, suggesting a phased dismantling of High Security Zones matched by simultaneous dismantling of LTTE operational capacities….”

To further proves the Indian complicity, this report further brings in Lalith Weeratunge’s (Permanent Secretary to the President) Interview to Daily Mirror in 2010.

Lalith Weeratunge’s excerpts from the Interview in Daily Mirror:

“Sri Lanka’s use of heavy weapons was eventually stopped as the part of a political deal with the Indian government”.

In relation to Weeratunge’s statement on Indian role, this report brings in the statement issued by Prof Boyle exposing Indian complicity.

Weeratunge’s statement shows that the Congress led Government of India temporarily stopped the GOSL’s war tactics against the Tamils, thus proving it could do so. But only for the demented purpose of getting itself re-elected in 2009 parliament election, not for the purpose of terminating the GOSL’s genocide against the Tamils, which India obviously could have done and so did temporarily. India therefore violated its obligation under article 1 of the 1948 Genocide Convention, to which both India and Sri Lanka are contracting parties, “to prevent” the GOSL genocide against the Tamils.

Furthermore, India also thereby became complicity in the GOSL’s genocide against the Tamils in violation of article 3(e) of the Genocide Convention that prohibits and criminalizes “complicity” in genocide. The Government of India failed and refused to terminate the GOSL genocide against the Tamils despite the facts (1) that the GOI obviously had the capability to do so and (2) that the GOI obviously recognized it occupied a position of trust with respect to the Tamils in Sri Lanka.

For these reasons, both the Government and the State of India are legally responsible for the commission of the international crime of complicity in Genocide in violation of the 1948 Genocide Convention. India has an obligation to pay reparations for this international crime to the Tamils on Sri Lanka—both severally and jointly with the GOSL. Indeed, the Government of India and the GOSL conspired together to commit genocide against the Tamils in violation of article 3(b) of the 1948 Genocide Convention prohibiting and criminalizing “conspiracy” to commit genocide.

The same is true for those Highest Level Indian Government Officials who made these reprehensible, condemnable, unprincipled and criminal decisions. They had the mens rea (criminal intent) necessary to constitute the international crimes of complicity in and conspiracy to Commit Genocide. These Highest Level Officials of the Indian Government are personally culpable for the commission of the international crimes of complicity in Genocide and conspiracy to commit Genocide. These Highest Level Officials of the GOI must be prosecuted for these crimes—both in India and elsewhere”

Conclusion:

Through various evidences presented here, it is evident India had criminal intent in executing genocide on Tamils and Tamil Home Land in the Island of Sri Lanka. This intent has taken the forms of aiding, abetting and/or being complicity. It can be summed up as follows.

  1. Prepared a conducive environment to initiate genocide. These preparations were offered both militarily and diplomatically. Military aids during the period of 2000-2007 to destruct LTTE Naval Vessels and diplomatic pressures to EU in 2005 to proscribe LTTE amounted to tilting power in favour of one party that is GoSL. By fortifying one party with all might, India helped GoSL to unleash genocide without any retaliation from LTTE and also subdued any diplomatic pressure arising out of public protests in EU.
  2. India had the capability to act to stop the genocide and was reluctant to act. This indicates its acceptance of killing Tamils. This act of not willing to prevent proves its intention.
  3. India also warded off those states who express concern on war crimes happening in the Island. By keeping them at bay, India played a crucial role to ensure genocide took place without any hindrance. Acts of diplomatic dissuading and deceiving by the Government of India, kept the international community out of the issue and it facilitated complete genocidal onslaught against Tamils.

These 3 summations clearly describe the role of India in aiding, abetting and being complicity in Tamil genocide.

With Regards,Vijayashankar_A

(Vijayshankar Asokan)

References:

  1. Prof. Boyle : hold Emergency meeting of UNSC to stop Tamil genocide – May 12, 2009, TamilNet.com
  2. By crushing LTTE, I fought India’s war: Rajapakse – Sutirtho Patranobis, May 29, 2009, Hindustan Times.
  3. India’s policy dilemma – John Cherian, May 13-26, 2000, Frontline.
  4. http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/sri-lanka/navy-modernization.htm
  5. India’s covert role in Sri Lankas ceasefire – M.R. Narayan Swamy, Feb 17, Indo-Asian News Service (IANS).
  6. India emerges as main designer of ‘Asian model’ in Norway report – November 16, 2011, TamilNet.com
  7. http://www.oecd.org/countries/srilanka/49035074.pdf
  8. http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-asia/sri-lanka/206%20India%20and%20Sri%20Lanka%20after%20the%20LTTE.pdf
  9. Sea Tigers — threat to Indian security – V. Suryanarayan, Jul 28, 2004, The Hindu.
  10. Sri Lanka: A call for arms – Sandeep Unnithan, Sep 28, 2007, India Today
  11. Sri Lanka – From War to Peace – Nitin Gokhale, 2009, Har-Anan Publications Pvt Ltd.
  12. Behind the Sri Lankan blood bath – Brahma Chellaney, Sep 10, 2009, Forbes.
  13. India wants warships it lent to Sri Lanka back – Ragul Singh, Nov 10, 2009, Hindustan Times
  14. http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=s44hpjZB6kc
  15. http://www.defence.lk/new.asp?fname=20100429_05
  16. http://www.rediff.com/news/2005/mar/30nsa.htm
 Chronology:

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Compilation of Material on IPKF “The Satanic Force”

The Satanic Force - Story about the heinous crimes of indian peace keeping Force in Sri Lanka - IPKF

IPKF soldiers in Sri Lanka “The Satanic Force”

http://ebook.yarl.com/

on the Indian Peace-Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-1990

Part 1 http://ebook.yarl.com/index1.html

Part 2 http://ebook.yarl.com/index2.html

Part 3 http://ebook.yarl.com/index3.html

*******

The Satanic Force – Part 1

The Satanic Force – Part 2

The Satanic Force – Part 3

Politicos blow hot and cold on Lanka statute change

srilanka india partnersThe Centre is holding a hot potato. The scalding tuber is the fear that Sri Lanka could either dilute or repeal the 13th Amendment to its Constitution adopted in 1987, which lays down the framework for devolution of powers to the minority Tamils. Political parties in Tamil Nadu are putting pressure on the Centre to rein in Lanka on the supposed move. And adding to New Delhi’s frustration is the fact that there has not been any firm commitment from Colombo on the statute

[ full story |new Indian express  By Shyam Balasubramanian

India is the ‘Hidden hand’ in the ‘Killing Fields of Sri Lanka’ exposed

The air has been full with the “Killing Fields of Sri Lanka”, the Channel 4 documentary. The visuals showed naked Tamil prisoners shot in the head, dead bodies of naked women who had been raped and dumped on a truck and other atrocities committed by the Sri Lankan armed forces in the final moments of the brutal civil war. World has never seen such barbarian brutality. Anyone who saw the documentary was numb with disbelief.srilanka india partners

The authenticity of the footage has been confirmed by a forensic pathologist, forensic video analyst, firearms evidence expert and a forensic video expert of international repute and the images are horrific.

While the world seethes in anger, India has been silent. Not surprising, given the fact that fresh from his ‘victory’ over Tamils in Sri Lanka in May 2009, President Mahinda Rajapaksa said he had fought ‘India’s war’. He was ecstatic of the fact that his victory coincided with Sonia’s electoral victory. The ecstasy appeared to be mutual.

Given the venal Indian mindset, Tamils in post-war Sri Lanka have been progressively reduced to serfs of the Sinhalese. This is endorsed by David Miliband and Bernard Kouchner, former foreign ministers of Britain and France respectively, when they wrote after a recent visit to Sri Lanka: “Tamil life is treated as fourth or fifth class citizens. If foreign policy is about anything, it should be about stopping this kind of inhumanity.”

There is an untold story about how New Delhi became instrumental in the brutality and the present inhuman sufferings of Sri Lankan Tamils. In the 2005 presidential election, Rajapaksa of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), a known hawk, won by the narrowest of margins. As President he wanted to outlive his image of a hawk and establish rapport with the Indian government and leadership, but was repeatedly rebuffed and in fact snubbed.

This made Rajapaksa realise the importance of involving civil society in Tamil Nadu to resolve the intractable ethnic problem in his country and act as a bridge between the two countries.

After much persuasion by Colombo, a small core group of retired civil servants, senior journalists and military veterans was formed with myself as the convener. The group held its preliminary meeting in Chennai on 10 May, 2007, with a senior adviser to President Rajapaksa, participating. It was unanimously agreed that a mutually acceptable political package was the only lasting solution to the ethnic crisis.

The group met President Rajapaksa and his high-level team in Colombo on 17 July, 2007. Throughout the long discussions, Rajapaksa was very much involved and positive. He fully endorsed the group’s opinion expressed by me that the solution to the crisis should emerge from within Sri Lanka and refined through international opinion, particularly from India. After these parleys Rajapaksa made a public statement hinting at a merged, autonomous North-East, a solution just short of Tamil Eelam.

Following this, the core group had a series of meetings with Rajapaksa’s team of ministers and officials and agreed upon many steps to resolve the conflict. A crucial conference was held with President Rajapaksa in Colombo on 25 March, 2008, followed by meetings with Sri Lankan Minister for Constitutional Affairs and National Integration, Chairman of Official Language Commission, and others. An action agenda was set.india mahida

The Indian High Commission in Colombo got wind of the group’s activities and the Deputy High Commissioner, A Manickam, sought an appointment with me and it was fixed at 5 p.m. at the hotel I was staying in. Manickam never kept his appointment but the Indian High Commission later reprimanded the Sri Lankan presidential team for holding peace talks with ‘unauthorised’ persons.

To fortify these initiatives I wrote to TKA Nair, my former colleague and presently principal secretary to Prime Minister on 01 April, 2008. The letter outlined the progress made by the group and the action agenda that has been set for political resolution and Confidence Building Measures.

It requested the government to support the initiative taken by the group to end the long-festering political and humanitarian crisis in the island. But there was no response.

Had New Delhi taken cognizance of this initiative and acted in concert by putting some pressure on President Rajapaksa, the issue would have been resolved and Tamils would now be living in the island with honour and dignity.

But instead, pursuing somebody’s personal agenda of ‘Sicilian Revenge’, New Delhi minions with a well-synchronised Network in Colombo, New York and Geneva, actively assisted the brutal Sri Lankan genocide. No wonder, Delhi is deafeningly silent today on Sri Lanka’s excesses.

Time is not far when Rajapaksa & Co is hauled up before the International Court of Justice for war crimes and genocide. In the event, New Delhi minions cannot escape responsibility for this inhuman horror. The bell is tolling!

M G Devasahayam is a retired IAS Officer

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