September 23, 2012

Video:Canada’s tough talk on Tamil migrants backfires

Filed under: eelamview, genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 9:31 am

 Canada’s Federal Court has upheld a ruling that warns tough talk by the Harper government against Tamil migrants is putting them in more danger back in Sri Lanka – and making it harder to send them back. The ruling says that because the government publicly connected the Tamil migrant ships to the threat of terrorism from the Tamil Tigers, everyone on board was tarred by the same brush. “You were on a boat with Tamil Tigers, says the government of Canada. I therefore find that you face more than the mere possibility of interrogation and thus torture in Sri Lanka,” Immigration and Refugee Board member Michal Mivasair said in the ruling of a migrant who can only be identified as

full story at CTV News


September 22, 2012

UN Human Rights Council: Statement on the Human Rights Situation in Sri Lanka

Filed under: eelamview, genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 10:07 am

Oral Statement Under Item 4

September 17, 2012

At its March 2012 session, the Human Rights Council adopted a resolution on Sri Lanka calling on the government to implement the recommendations of its Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) on accountability and other issues. Instead of committing to working with the Council, the Sri Lankan government denounced the resolution as interference, while local human rights defenders advocating for the resolution were publicly threatened.

Since then, the government has toned down its rhetoric against the resolution, but the harassment of civil society groups and human rights defenders, particularly those in the country’s north and east, continues. Local activists have expressed deep concern to Human Rights Watch about their security, but even greater concerns for those they assist. This is especially the case in rural areas where people’s lives are more easily monitored.

Civil society groups and the media in Colombo also continue to report increased surveillance and clampdowns on free speech. The government shut down at least five news websites over the past year, and put in place onerous registration requirements and fees for all web-based media services. Many news websites have since moved their host proxies out of Sri Lanka in order to avoid the censorship.

Human Rights Watch remains concerned about the use of torture in Sri Lanka, a long-standing problem. Ethnic Tamils living abroad have reported as recently as August 2012 of being detained on arrival in Sri Lanka and being tortured or otherwise ill-treated by the security forces; medical reports have corroborated their accounts.  On the basis of our documentation, in May 2012 a court in the United Kingdom halted a deportation flight to Sri Lanka, and pulled some 30 Sri Lankan Tamils off the flight who were deemed to be at risk of torture if returned.

In July the Sri Lankan government made public its action plan on implementing the recommendations of the LLRC. Unfortunately the plan seems more of an attempt to deflect international scrutiny of the human rights situation in Sri Lanka than address the concerns of UN member states. Many of the plan’s implementing authorities are government agencies, such as the military and police, who might be responsible for the alleged abuses. For example, responsibility for an inquiry into British Channel 4’s reporting on alleged summary executions of captured Tamil Tigers has been ceded to the Ministry of Defence, which has previously denounced the program as a fake. Similarly, the action plan makes the Defence Ministry responsible for investigating alleged killings of civilians, although the defence secretary is already on record stating that no civilians had been killed, or, if some were, they were unintended. No news appears to have been made public regarding the special army courts of inquiry, supposedly established to look into allegations of war crimes. In sum, the government’s accountability efforts remain a great unknown.

The Sri Lankan government has a long history of setting up commissions of inquiry that have led to little or no accountability or justice. The action plan and all government pronouncements should be read through the lens of this history. It was only when the international community stepped in, at the March 2012 Human Rights Council session nearly three years after the war, that the Sri Lankan government took any notice of the demands for accountability. Even then, it has done little but publicly claim to have taken action.  Unfortunately, the facts on the ground – whether regarding free expression and association, or accountability for abuses – tell a very different story.

Human Rights Watch firmly believes that given the Sri Lankan government’s continued failure to deliver on its human rights commitments to its citizens in a meaningful manner, the international community should take action. In this regard, it is evident that the only way forward is to adopt the recommendation of the UN Panel of Experts for an independent international mechanism to investigate violations of international human rights and humanitarian law by all sides to the conflict.

September 21, 2012

SriLanka forces attack, throw dirt at people demanding resettlement in Mullaiththeevu

Filed under: eelamview, genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 9:07 pm

When people of Mullaiththeevu for the first time in last three years gathered in hundreds in front of the district secretariat on Friday, to demand resettlement in their village at Keappaa-pulavu in the district, the occupying Sinhala military deployed in large numbers responded with intimidation of taking videos of the demonstrators and by arranging a gang to throw human excretion at them. After throwing dirt the gang escaped by getting into a nearby SL police station. Later, a motorbike gang followed the vehicle in which Mr S. Kajendran was returning from the demonstration to attack it near Mu’l’liyava’lai. Another gang, in the very presence of SL military, attacked the vehicle in which Dr. Wikramabahu Karunaratne and Mr Gajendrakumar Ponnampalam were returning via Paranthan road. A vehicle of media persons was also attacked.

Protest in Vanni

Barbed wires placed to puncture tyres ambushed Mr. Kajendran’s vehicle at an open and lonely stretch of the road, when the motorbike gang that was following the vehicle started attacking the vehicle and the passengers inside. Mr. Kajendran drove the vehicle away in punctured condition to escape from the attackers.

The demonstration organised by the Tamil National Peoples Front (TNPF) was attended by TNA parliamentarian for Vanni, Mr Sritharan, TNPF leaders Mr. Gajendrakumar Ponnampalam and Mr S. Kajendran, leading civil society activist Mr. Guruparan Kumaravadivel as well as Dr. Wikramabahu Karunaratne, Mr. Mano Ganeshan and leaders of the United Socialist Party from the South.

The demonstration participated by more than around 400 local people, including the villagers of Keappaa-pulavu, took place for nearly one and a half hours between 11-30 AM and 1-00 PM.

SL military is currently stationed in the village Keappaa-pulavu and recently there was news that the occupying military plans a permanent base there.

“We want our land, let the military quit our homeland,” the demonstrators demanded.

An SL military officer of the rank of Major was engaged in an intimidating way in videographing the demonstrators.

The SL military has also organized a group of around 20 people to come to the venue and shout that demonstrations are not necessary for Tamils.

Later, speaking to media, Mr. Gajendrakumar Ponnampalam expressed his concern over how the OHCHR team that visited the island for a week is going to present its report. Everything moves towards a planned hoodwink, he implied.

All leaders who participated the demonstration opined that the affected people are left with no option other than struggle and demonstration in addressing the world and in letting the world know of their plight.

Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni
Protest in Vanni


21.09.12  SL forces attack, throw dirt at people demanding r..
20.09.12  Resettled people report traces of genocide

Protests intensify against Rajapaksa’s presence in India condemning Congress

Filed under: eelamview, genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 9:05 pm

Criticizing both the BJP led Madhya Pradesh state government and Congress Party for inviting SL President Mahinda Rajapaksa for a Buddhist event in Sanchi, MDMK leader Vaiko told reporters “Despite knowing that Rajapaksa is solely responsible for the genocide of innocent Tamils in Sri Lanka, the Shivraj Singh Chouhan government in Madhya Pradesh has invited him and the Centre endorsed his visit,” a PTI report on Thursday said. As Mr. Vaiko and the MDMK cadres attempted to march to Sanchi today, all were arrested and have been temporarily detained at a location nearby, sources told TamilNet. Separately, a correspondent for The Hindu reported today that “It was an ironical scenario in Bhopal as a President accused of genocide arrived here on Thursday to inaugurate a ceremony on world peace.”

MDMK protest

Protest by MDMK in Madhya Pradesh
MDMK protest
MDMK protest
MDMK protest

However, this irony is lost not just on the “national” political parties in India but also on the mainstream Indian media, political observers in Tamil Nadu said. An editorial by the Economic Times bureau on Friday for instance instead of condemning the presence of a genocide-accused political leader, has criticized the Tamil Nadu protestors for opposing “the Sri Lankan president’s visit to India as a great opportunity to show off their zeal in support of Lankan Tamils.”

Likewise, the PTI, citing Sri Lankan High Commission sources, reported on Thursday that the Indian President Pranab Mukherjee complimented Rajapaksa for Sri Lanka’s ‘economic progress’.

Speaking to media during his arrest, Mr. Vaiko said that “We will never forget the BJP government of Madhya Pradesh.”

He further outlined three action plans that the MDMK intended on pursuing in the immediate future. He said that the MDMK will embargo the Indian Prime Minister’s residence, they would campaign in every state capital, and that they would distribute vernacular language versions of the genocide of Eezham Tamils all over India.

Prior to their arrest, effigies of the SL President were burnt by the MDMK activists at the Badhchicholi village where they had been stopped by the Madhya Pradesh police from entering the state. Also, villagers from hamlets nearby joined the protestors. Hindi CDs on the genocide of the Eezham Tamils were circulated by the MDMK activists.

Also, a few MDMK activists who managed to reach Bhopal through other transportation were arrested by the state’s police there.

TVK protest

Protest by TVK in Tamil Nadu
TVK protest

Numerous protests have been erupting across Tamil Nadu as well. Over 10000 cadres of Tamizhaga Vaazhvurimai Katchi (TVK) staged a rail blockade demonstration at Kadaloor (Cuddalore) on Thursday. Activists of the party staged similar demonstrations on all major rail routes in Tamil Nadu.

Over 2000 of the TVK’s cadres along with leaders Velmurugan and Prof. Dheeran, Porur Shanmugam, and Kamarajar were arrested for demonstrating in front of Chennai Central station today.

TVK protest

TVK protesters in rail blockade demonstration at Kadaloor (Cuddalore)
VCK protest

Hundreds of activists of the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi and their leader Thol. Thirumavalavan were arrested and temporarily detained as they tried to gherao the Sri Lankan Deputy High Commission in Chennai.

Sri Lankan flags were also burnt by the VCK protestors.

VCK protest
VCK protest


21.09.12  Protests intensify against Rajapaksa’s presence in..
20.09.12  Vaiko stopped at Madhya Pradesh border
19.09.12  Self-immolation protestor dies, anti-Rajapaksa agi..
17.09.12  Tamil Nadu activist attempts self-immolation to pr..


Google “Dirty Fucking”, Gotabhaya Rajapaksa The First

Filed under: eelamview, genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 9:02 pm

“My daughter googled the words “dirty fucking” for some reason and Sri Lankan President Mahinda Rakapaksa’s sibling, Secretary to the Ministry of Defence Gotabhaya Rajapaksa came fifth place with1,640,000 pages in 0.26 seconds with your Colombo Telegraph story” a British school teacher told Colombo Telegraph.

We googled it in Sri Lanka and Gotabhaya came the first place with “dirty fucking” words, about 403,000,000 results (0.16 seconds).

When contacted to find out if he was aware, if indeed an aircraft scheduled to fly to Zurich was to be changed to accommodate a personal friend and pilot who had offered to ensure the safe passage of a puppy dog for him, Gotabaya Rajapaksa turned abusive and screamed at Sunday Leader editor Frederica Jansz  in two subsequent telephone conversations in raw filth on June 5, 2012. He told Janze; “They Will Kill You -You Dirty Fucking Shit Journalist -You Are Pigs Who Eat Shit”.

Google results Colombo;

Google results London

By Colombo Telegraph –

Vaiko stopped at Madhya Pradesh border

Filed under: eelamview, genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 8:57 pm

Even as the genocide-accused SL President Mahinda Rajapaksa landed in New Delhi on Wednesday to a warm welcome, MDMK leader Vaiko and over a thousand of his cadres, who had planned a peaceful black flag demonstration against Rajapaska’s inauguration of a Buddhist university at Sanchi, were stopped at the Madhya Pradesh border by that state’s police. Mr. Vaiko along with the other protestors staged a sit-in at the spot where they were stopped, near Pandhurna on the Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh border, raising banners, placards and slogans against Rajapaksa’s visit to India.

MDMK protest

Prior to their being stopped near Pandhurna, Vaiko and the MDMK cadres had stopped over at Nagpur, Maharashtra where arrangements were taken care of by the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP).

MDMK protest

The district collector and the state’s police had persuaded the protestors to move to a nearby wedding hall. But Vaiko had responded that they would either go to Sanchi to express their opposition to Rajapaksa’s presence in a democratic manner, else they would court arrest and go to jail.

Citing police sources, PTI reported that the police would take action if the protestors tried to move towards Sanchi.

MDMK protest
MDMK protest
MDMK protest


21.09.12  Protests intensify against Rajapaksa’s presence in..
20.09.12  Vaiko stopped at Madhya Pradesh border
19.09.12  Self-immolation protestor dies, anti-Rajapaksa agi..
17.09.12  Tamil Nadu activist attempts self-immolation to pr..

Tavish Scott: Human rights are of secondary concern in Sri Lanka

Filed under: genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: — எல்லாளன் @ 8:55 pm

President Rajapaksa established a reconciliation commission to investigate the last days of the war with 265 recommendations made, but opposition politicians say many have not been enacted.But the Chinese have a different view to the West – and are investing heavily on highways, an airport and a huge harbour. The Sri Lankan transport minister has just ordered 3,000 new air-conditioned buses from China to replace old Leyland and Tata coaches. Why did India’s Tata not win the contract? Because the Indian parliament criticised the lack of action in investigating human rights in Sri Lanka after the war. Politics and trade are always connected. Realpolitik reigns. [ Scotsman ][ Sep 20 14:50 GMT ][ full story |

Ad Hoc European Criminal Tribunal of Sri Lanka (ECTSL)

Filed under: genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: — எல்லாளன் @ 8:53 pm

By 2014 or 2015, the world order’s shift towards multipolarity may open doors to Tamil justice in Europe, the way 9/11’s War on Terror opened a window for Sri Lanka to perpetrate Tamil genocide in the Vanni Region under the pretext of counter-insurgency and collateral damage.


For the moment, the sense of frustrating uncertaintyaround the fate of Tamil justicecontinues to fester beneath the slow, racistdrift of Post-Mullivaikaal Sri Lanka towards the Mahavamsa’s vision of a post-Tamil Northeastern province.While optics ofmultiethnic reconciliation attempt to blur the republic’s descent into draconian rule, the island could not be more divided. And its future could not be more uncertain.

Increasingly irrefutable is the ground reality that Sri Lanka’s domestic political sphere lacks the will and bona fides to support a restorative or retributive accountability measure, and therefore any such measure designed to depend on Sri Lankan institutions will fail. As colonization masquerades as development, armed peace as a permanent solution to the Tamil question, and unchecked Sinhala-Buddhist racism as majoritarian democracy, advocateswho rely on Rajapakse-dependent accountability measures to deliver Tamil justice increasingly risk losing credibility themselves.Thesense of frustration arises from thisdéjà vu of familiar politics, inside and outside post-war Sri Lanka, which validate the subjugation of Tamil human rights by deliberately pavingunworkable paths to diluted accountability through the familiar bottlenecks of Sri Lankan State bureaucracy. It is yesterday’s soup, warmed over, again. Thesense of uncertainty is reducible to twomomentarily unanswerable questions:

1) Will there actually be independent international investigations?
2) Will there be a tribunal?

The answers, when they do materialize,will not be inconsequential, something all stakeholders to Sri Lanka’s post-war settlement are aware of. In fact, the destiny of the unitary State hangs in the balance.

With a tribunal, retributive justice for genocidal counter-insurgency perpetrated by the Sri Lankan State with democratic sanction lays the legal and international political foundation for the non-violent formation of Tamil Eelam on the global stage through national liberation by exercise of the right to remedial self-determination. In this scenario, paradoxically, Rajapakse’s ‘military victory’ over the LTTE via Tamil genocide becomes the most cataclysmic miscalculation by an ultra-Sinhala-Buddhist political coalition in post-independence Sri Lankan history, overnight. Alternatively, without a tribunal, Mullivaikaal becomes Black July. The killing field becomes a Tamil Holocaust without the Nuremberg trials, another State-sponsored Tamil mass atrocity crime erased from international and Sri Lankan historical memory, enabling the delegitimizing characterization of past and future Tamil armed resistance as terrorism without complication.

A better understanding of how a tribunal may emerge in the current geopolitical climate begins with understanding how it can be denied.

At present, the denial of Tamil justice does not turn on substantive issues, such as did Sri Lanka knowingly kill40,000 Tamil civilians. Rather, if Tamil justice is denied, that denial shall likely turn on procedure.Procedure in this context defines who monopolizes the choice to set up a tribunal or drive independent investigations. From this view, a strategy of obstruction based on procedure is probably the easiest way to paralyze Tamil justice.

It is easier to deflate advocacy with the impediments of procedure, rather than defend Sri Lankaon the merits of the killing field. Procedure can be employed by actors opposed to Tamil justice to cultivate a sense of powerlessness, to protract lobbying to dissipate the energy of activist networks, tocreate dependency by fixing the ultimate decision-making power to set up a tribunal or investigation on one intransigentthird-party, such as the United Nations under its current, though changing Sri Lanka policy.

Within this logic, social and civil society movements which drivethe issues of Tamil genocide, torture, war crimes, and crimes against humanity carried out by the Sri Lankan Armed Forces must be kept contained to political/media narratives, categorically divorced from a legal process.

Historically, the trouble for dictators, like Rajapakse, comes when political/media narratives turn in to legal consequences that undermine regime survival. In Sri Lanka, a legal process would threaten to delegitimize the post-war Rajapakse administration, placing itin the den of dictatorships that kill their own citizens – like Sudan, Syria, Libya – an unpalatable outcome to those who prop up the regime.Sri Lanka can be criticized on human rights grounds, but that criticism should not breach a tipping point beyond which advocacy substantively threatens the perceived legitimacy of the Rajapakse administration’s Carthaginian peace in post-war Sri Lanka, the reasoning goes. So the proper inquiry is less, will there be independent international investigations or a tribunal for Mullivaikaal, and more, who monopolizes the choice to set them up?Is there a workaround if that monopoly is adverse to Tamil interests?

In short, there is a monopoly, and there may be a workaround. In the post-World War II world, the United Nations and Euro-Atlantic alliance (United States, France, UK, etc.) have historically monopolized the choice to set up investigations and tribunals after genocide or armed conflict. Some notable historical examples include the criminal tribunals for genocides and armed conflicts in Germany, Cambodia, Yugoslavia, and Rwanda. However, in the modern multipolar world, the United Nations’ historical grip on setting up post-war transitional justice tribunals no longer necessarily monopolizes the choice of which communities and which wars or genocides deserve justice and which don’t.

The past is prologue, not destiny.

In an interconnected world of multiple poles of power and transnational Diasporas, alternative paths and possibilitiescan emerge, expanding the menu of options for advocates of post-war justice. In the Sri Lankan scenario where the United Nations and Western governments take a two-track policy – sympathizing with Tamil human rights considerations, but obstructing Tamil justice as a practical matter for foreign policy reasons- a European alternative is possible.


The European Union (EU) can fill the Tamil justice vacuum created by the United Nations general policy of non-intervention in Sri Lanka since May 2009. In essence, the European Union, in collaboration with Commonwealth members, can set up investigations and a tribunal for jus cogens norm violations perpetrated in Sri Lanka between January 2008 and May 2009. The EU, a rising player on the global stage, could drive this process in the form of anAd Hoc European Criminal Tribunal of Sri Lanka (ECTSL), set up and run in Europe, loosely modeled after the Ad Hoc International Criminal Tribunal of Yugoslavia (ICTY) or Rwanda (ICTR). Such an ECTSL would conceivably have two phases:

1) Investigations
2) Tribunal

The ECTSL could carry out transnational investigations which include the post-Mullivaikaal Tamil asylum population in Canada, Europe, and Australia. If these investigations supported a prima facie case for establishing a tribunal, the ECTSL could then set up a tribunal which would try Sri Lankan political and military officials in absentia if Sri Lanka denied European extradition requests. Alternatively, the ECTSL could conduct investigations, and then liaise with the UN for future collaborative steps.

An ECTSL would not necessarily replace a UN-driven mechanism, but could provide a new regional paradigm for EU-UN collaboration on transitional justice issues in a world where the EU continues to ascend to political and economic parity with other global powers like America, Brazil, India, and South Africa.

Four reasons support the proposition that an ECTSL could be a workable alternative for Tamil justice in an international political climate where the UN’s Sri Lanka policy is evolving, though its intentions to set up a tribunal are still unclear.

First, in the EU, the 1-million+ Tamil Diaspora is strong where Sri Lanka is weak, a dynamic which would maximize the efficacy of lobbying efforts. Second, the politics of setting up investigations or a tribunal need not hinge on Sri Lankan consent or UN-politics and the Russia-China-US variable in the UN Security Council, the factors historically stifling Tamil justice interests. In the EU, setting up investigations or a tribunal would primarily hinge on local European political dynamics, which the Diaspora and civil society have the capacity to shape. Third, the post-Mullivaikaal Tamil asylum population outside of Sri Lanka is sufficient for investigation objectives. Since the Tamil victims are in Europe, with the aid of satellite imagery, and other sources of available evidence, independent international investigations for genocide and war crimes can take place in Europe, not Sri Lanka. Fourth, after the Eurozone crisis begins to settlein 2014-2015, the EU will probably be searching for a low-cost unifying project to establish its identity as a legitimate player on the global stagethat advances globally shared values, like international human rights. An ECTSLwould provide such an opportunity.

An ECTSL under European Union law can be set up in two ways: (1) within the EU structure itself in the form of a ‘specialized tribunal’ under the Lisbon Treaty (2) outside the EU structure through an international treaty signed by member-states, the way the European Court of Human Rights (EcTHR) or the European Fiscal Compact (EFC) were set up.

In the first scenario, the judicial structure of the European courts as envisaged in the Treaty of Nice, and promulgated by the Treaty of Lisbon,empowers the Council of Europe to create specialized tribunals to hear disputes in specific areas, such as the European Civil Service Tribunal. The commitment and binding obligation of the European Union and member-states to international treaties on human rights, war crimes, and genocide, would provide the legal foundation to set up the ECTSL in Europe to adjudicate disputesin the special area of jus cogens norm violations perpetrated in Sri Lanka for a Tamil asylum victim community presently residing largely in European jurisdiction. The EU has yet to set up an ad hoc criminal tribunal for post-war justice using its specialized tribunal power, but it has the legal and political ability to do so. In the second scenario, the ECTSL is formed by participating EU member-states becoming signatories to an international convention written to set up the ECTSL, similar to the Convention for the EcTHR, or the Rome Statute which set up the International Criminal Court (ICC), a judicial organ of the UN. Signatories to a convention for the ECTSL would probably include every EU-member state with a Tamil refugee population, plus Canada and Australia.

If European politics is open to the idea, both scenarios can conceivably be achieved in a reasonable time frame through collaborative lobbying efforts of the Tamil Diaspora and civil society counterparts supportive of justice for Mullivaikaal.

In the mean time, our understanding of the menu of options for Tamil justice, the ways it can be implemented, the ways it can be denied, is crucial to ensure Mullivaikal is written in the next generation’s history books as the Tamil Holocaust, and not a regrettable sequel to Black July.

An ECTSL may not be the solution. But an ECTSL, or similar approach based on a regional paradigm for transitional justice extricated from exclusive dependency on Sri Lankan consent and United Nation multilateral politics, could be an option worth exploration.

In the end, the fate of Tamil justice for Mullivaikaal is not a question of “if.” It is a question of “when” and “where.”

By: Rajeev Sreetharan

Courtesy: TamilCanadian

Resettled people report traces of genocide

Filed under: eelamview, genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: , — எல்லாளன் @ 8:46 pm

Despite reports of alleged deployment of unscrupulous foreign expertise in erasing the traces of the genocidal onslaught that took place in Mullaiththeevu district in the final days of Vanni war in 2009, there are still remains of hundreds of human skeletons that were burnt to ashes in Aananthapuram and other parts of Puthukkudiyiruppu, civilians who have been allowed to resettle there told TamilNet this week. Their observations confirm earlier information from reliable sources inside the SL military that thousands of non-combatants were taken to the suburbs of Puthukkudiyiruppu and shot and killed en masse with a clear intention to annihilate a large section of the people including children and women.


The findings by the resettling people confirm that a large number of those who were slain have been burnt to ashes.

While the international mechanism obviously falters in investigating the genocide abetted by the International Community of Establishments (ICE), the task of reporting even the tip-of-the-iceberg traces is ultimately left to the victims, human rights workers in the island commented.

Meanwhile, reliable sources inside the SL military told TamilNet earlier that the SL military had photographed in a systematic way every one of the victims at different angles, before and after their killing.

The SL military not only keeps the photographs of those who were massacred, but it also has a clear count on their victims of genocide, the sources further said.

The resettling people express fear that they feel like living in a ghost village marred with dumped bodies in abandoned bunkers and burnt remains of skeletons along the walls of their houses and schools.

Despite the skeletons in the cupboard coming out, genocidal Colombo is pressurized to hurriedly showcase a ‘resettlement’ by the powers in complicity, so that a paradigm-setting bailout could be facilitated to Colombo in the so-called international organizations, commented human rights workers.

Up to 40,000 civilians had been slain by the SL military was the estimation of Colombo-based UN officials who had served in the island during the war.

Bishop of Mannaar Rt. Rev. Dr. Rayappu Joseph, citing the statistics of the SL government established that 146,679 people had gone unaccounted for in the Vanni war.


Traces of burnt skeletons and bunkers

The claimed ‘resettlement’



21.09.12  SL forces attack, throw dirt at people demanding r..
20.09.12  Resettled people report traces of genocide


UK Judge draws attention to Sri Lanka torture reports

Filed under: genocide srilanka, tamil eelam — Tags: — எல்லாளன் @ 8:42 pm

UK Queen’s Bench Administrative Court Judge, Mr CMG Oakton, while refusing to grant stay of removal of failed Tamil asylum seekers, ruling that the legal challenge has to be mounted on an “individual basis,” said during an individual appeal that he is concerned with the recent reports released by Freedom From Torture, and by Tamils Against Genocide (TAG) on the likelihood of State sanctioned torture in Sri Lanka. The Case was filed at the Administrative Court Wednesday morning by TAG to stop the forced deportation of asylum seeking Tamils by the UK Government in a chartered flight scheduled to depart at 15:30 pm. Wednesday. However, The Independent reported that “[d]ozens of failed Sri Lankan asylum seekers were removed at the last minute from a controversial deportation flight today after a senior judge accepted there was a risk that they could be tortured on their return. ”

The application was made based on the information contained in the recent report detailing egregious torture of 26 students and other persons returning voluntarily to Sri Lanka after spending a short period of time in Britain.

TAG challenged the UK Border Agency’s presumption that forced removals are ‘safe’. The judge found there is no such policy that it is safe to remove Tamils to Sri Lanka, and that all challenges have to be mounted on an individual basis, according to the released Court opinion.

A TAG spokesperson commented, “in practice this is very cumbersome and impossible for claimants without funding. As TAG’s report shows the country guidance in leading UK cases is now out of date. TAG has appealed to the European Court of Human Rights seeking an urgent injunction of the flight and pursuing its right to have the ‘generic issue’ of safety of Tamil returnees tested in court.”

Later, responding to an individual appeal, Judge Oakton said, “I am concerned in particular by recent reports, including those from Freedom from Torture and Tamils Against Genocide, but the identified risk is to those who have an actual or perceived association (at any level) with the LTTE and are returned from the UK,” according to legal sources close to the case.

While welcoming the concerns expressed by the Judge, TAG spokesperson pointed out “Sri Lankan government once described UN Commissioner Navi Pillay as a ‘terrorist,’ and the group of people perceived by the Rajapaksa government to be supporters of the LTTE is very wide indeed. Freedom From Torture, Channel 4 and many British Parliamentarians were also described by Sri Lanka as supporters of the LTTE. British Judges have so far failed to take these factors into asylum rulings,” TAG said.


External Links:

TI: Sri Lankan asylum seekers removed from deportation flight at last minute after judge accepts there is risk of torture


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